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Complete and Unabridged 

John Chamberlain 
Sidney B. Fay 
John Gunther 
Carlton J. H. Hayes 
aham Mutton 

in Johnson 

iam L Langer 

Iter Millis 

ul de Roussy de Sales 

oige N. Shuster 

1941 NEW 




This Edition is published by ar- 
rangement with Hough ton Mifflin 
Company, Boston, Massachusetts. 




BOTH the international situation and certain pub- 
lishing exigencies have dictated the preparation of 
this book at a far higher rate of speed than we should 
have liked. We wished it editorially to be, and we believe 
it is, a fine, scholarly, genuinely definitive edition of an 
enormously important book. If small errors have crept in, 
and we think even those are few and far between, they are 
due solely to the pressure of time. 

We cannot possibly thank here by name all those who 
have assisted in the task. The work could not have been 
possible without the devoted help of our editorial commit- 
tee, and notably Dr. Alvin Johnson, who has been a tower 
of strength in many directions. To Mr. George N. Shuster, 
who has labored with unwearying effectiveness night and 
day for many weeks, our debt is incalculable. Mr. Helmut 
Ripperger, on whom a heavy burden has fallen, and various 
friends and helpers at the New School for Social Research 
have likewise given without stint of their time and energy 
to the translation. Mr. C. H. Hand, Jr., will not like to 
find himself thus singled out, but we cannot overlook the 
tribute we owe him for his constant effective aid. Two 
other special friends of the enterprise who have been of 
enormous help, but who by their own wish shall be name- 
less, we none the less wish here to thank anonymously. 
Finally, to Houghton MifHin Company we wish to extend 
our hearty salutations. We should never ask for more fair- 
minded or resourceful collaborators in a publishing enter- 

E. R. 
C. N. H. 


THIS is an accurate translation of a book which is 
likely to remain the most important political tract of 
our time, and which is now for the first time avail- 
able in complete form to the American reader. Until now 
the only version of M ein Kampf in English has been a con- 
densation of the complete book, published in 1933, con- 
taining less than half of the total text. 

The Austrian and Czecho-Slovakian crises of last year, 
culminating for the moment in the pact of Munich, have 
awakened the American public as never before to the 
seriousness to the world and to themselves of the Nazi 
program, and consequently to the possible significance of 
every page of the book that can justly be regarded as the 
Nazi gospel. Here, then, in its entirety, for the American 
people to read and to judge for themselves, is the work 
which has sold in Germany by the millions, and which is 
probably the best written evidence of the character, the 
mind, and the spirit of Adolf Hitler and his 'government. 

There are undoubtedly passages of great importance 
which now appear in English for the first time. For exam- 
ple, Chapter V of the condensed version left out the whole 
of what Hitler describes as his wartime reflections on 
propaganda and on methods for fighting Marxism. We 
have marked at various points in the text the important 
new material. Furthermore, any abridgment must neces- 
sarily fail, in proportion to the degree of its condensa- 
tion, to give the full flavor of the author's mind. Even 
the repetitions have their significance in conveying a sense 
of the character behind them. Mein Kampf is, above all, a 
book of feeling. 


All this is in no sense a condemnation of the abridgement 
prepared by E. T. S. Dugdale in England and published 
under the title My Battle, as in 1933 it seemed most un- 
likely that any large American public would care to read 
Mein Kampf as a whole, and for its time and purpose it was 
undoubtedly adequate. Since then the whole book has as- 
sumed a more urgent character. 

The translation here offered is from the first German edi- 
tion the two volumes respectively of 1925 and 1927, 
which are now quite difficult to obtain. Continuous refer- 
ence hks been made, however, to later editions, and any 
changes of significance have been noted. Such changes are 
not as extensive as popularly supposed. 

The reader must bear in mind that Hitler is no artist in 
literary expression, but a rough-and-ready political pam- 
phleteer often indifferent to grammar and syntax alike. 
Departures from normal German form have not been re- 
produced, since no purpose would be served thereby, but 
where the demands of a perfectly smooth English style 
might seem to conflict with exactness of meaning, the 
original German forms have been followed as literally as 
possible. We believe the translation cannot be successfully 

We turn to our decision to annotate the text. Mein 
Kampf is frequently a difficult book for the American reader 
to understand. Few Americans are, in the very nature of 
things, so aware of the German historical background that 
they can surmise without help what the author is discuss- 
ing. What, for example, was meant by 'interest slavery 1 ? 
And who was Leo Schlageter? In making annotations of 
this kind, we have tried to adhere to a middle course, as- 
suming some familiarity with Nazi history, but leaving very 
recondite information for scholars. Notes of this kind are 
based almost exclusively on German sources, and we be- 
Ifeve we can vouch for their accuracy and objectivity. 


Then, too, Mein Kampf is a propagandistic essay by a 
violent partisan. As such it often warps historical truth and 
sometimes ignores it completely. We have, therefore, felt 
it our duty to accompany the text with factual information 
which constitutes an extensive critique of the original. 
No American would like to assume responsibility for giving 
the public a text which, if not tested in the light of diligent 
inquiry, might convey the impression that Hitler was writ- 
ing history rather than propaganda. It is more probable, 
however, that we shall have to face the opposite criticism 
that we have been too impartial, too objective, too little 
concerned with rebuttal. To this we should like to reply 
that truth, the accurate truth, is the only argument which 
in the long run prevails. One may talk a fact out of exist- 
ence for a time, but it somehow survives. We are prepared 
to rest our case as editors on our belief in that ultimate 

One point in particular may need emphasis. Large por- 
tions of Mrin Kampf are devoted to the question of race as 
a substructure on which to erect an anti-Semitic policy. 
We have not let these passages go unchallenged, but we 
have also not felt it necessary to include a discussion of race 
of our own invention. The greatest anthropologists of the 
twentieth century are agreed that 'race' is a practically 
meaningless word. All one can legitimately do, therefore, 
is to challenge statements of 'race history' as being fig- 
ments of the imagination, and to point out that they are at 
bottom more or less subtle ways of supporting still more ab- 
solute and violent forms of nationalism than even the nine- 
teenth century knew. In addition we have made specific 
objections to Hitler's anti-Semitic statements where they 
contradict known historical facts. 

A word now concerning the method adopted for the pre- 
sentation of the notes. As a rule we have put information 
relative to the sources and origins of National Socialism 


into the first volume, reserving for the second volume the 
history of Hitler's rise to power and of German achievement 
since that time. Departures from this method have been 
made when a given point seemed explainable in no other 
way. This arrangement will enable the reader, should he so 
desire, to read the notes independently of the text itself. 
Naturally these notes are not designed to form a treatise on 
Hitlerism, but if they were read together with the books 
mentioned by name, they should provide a fairly adequate 
history of the Third Reich* Most of the notes are set in 
close proximity to the passage to which they refer. In a 
few instances, however, it seemed important to write at 
greater length, so that the material appears in the form of 
an appendix to the chapter in question. The separation be- 
tween text and commentary is clearly indicated, so that the 
reader will have no difficulty on that score. 

In conclusion, what should one expect to learn from Mein 
Kampf? Read with a clear eye, the book will show what 
manner of man Der Ftihrer is one who as a boy had 
nothing excepting a passionate belief that Germany must 
obtain a larger place in the sun with the help of the sword 
once wielded so efficiently by Prussian kings; who learned 
to define to his own satisfaction what groups wanted this 
kind of Germany, and what other groups were indifferent 
or opposed to that ideal ; who after the War gathered round 
him all those who refused to concede that defeat neces- 
sarily meant the end of German expansion; and who, 
finally, with their help, got control of the government and 
then set out to mobilize the whole nation for a new advance. 

Before the War he lived in Austria and felt that the 
Habsburgs, by making concessions to the Slavic groups in 
their empire, were putting the German group on a level 
with others and therefore lessening its willingness to dom- 
inate. Therefore, he wanted the German group to get rid 
of the Habsburgs and join forces with the greater Prussian 


Germany. After the War he felt that the leaders of the Re- 
public, by seeking to bring about internal reconciliation 
and by making concessions to the Allies, were doing exactly 
what the old Habsburgs had done, excepting that this time 
it was not Austrian Germany but the holy of holies, Prussia 
itself, that was being weakened. To those who said that it 
was war which had sapped the substance of Germany, and 
that another war would end European civilization, he re- 
plied that it was only 'eternal peace' which destroyed peo- 
ples and that neither the individual nor society could escape 
Nature's decree that the fittest alone survive. 

Yet this simple philosophy is by no means the whole 
Hitler. He has added to it the moving force which, re- 
vealed both in his struggle for power and in his use of that 
power since 1933, is the most startling phenomenon of our 
time. Only the leaders of the Mohammedan, French, and 
Russian revolutions have aroused a comparable driving 
power, and at present it dominates Europe. The forces in 
opposition have lacked the clearness of plan, the unity of 
motive, the certainty of conviction, needed to make their 
cause prevail. 

The engines of industry now spin round in trepidation, 
and the engines of war are piled giddily in higher and 
higher pyramids. Already in Europe, the last are all that 
really count the others work to create an illusion and to 
help meet the staggering costs. There is no stopping them 
until there are in the world ideas or ideals which are stronger 
than that contained in Mein Kampf. It is our profound 
conviction that as soon as enough people have seen through 
this book, lived with it until the facts they behold are so 
startlingly vivid that all else is obscure by comparison, the 
tide will begin to turn. 

We have all of us the deepest regard for the German peo- 
ple. Some of us have given a good deal of time and energy 
to the study of just German demands and to the fostering 


of better understanding of the German tradition. None of 
us has abandoned the sincere belief that Germany is des- 
tined to be a great and cherished member of the family of 
peoples. So we have elected to set down without malice, 
yet with all the truth we can muster, the record as we 
see it. 



ON NOVEMBER 9, 1923, at 12.30 in the afternoon, in front 
of the Feldherrnhalle as well as in the courtyard of the 
former War Ministry, the following men, steadfast in their 
belief in the resurrection of their people, were killed : 

ALFARTH, Felix, businessman, b. July 5, 1901 
BAURIEDL, Andreas, hatter, b. May 4, 1879 
CASELLA, Theodor, bank employee, b. August 8, 1900 
EHRLICH, Wilhelm, bank employee, b. August 19, 1894 
FAUST, Martin, bank employee, b. January 27, 1901 
HECHENBERGER, Anton, locksmith, b. September 28,; 


KOERNER, Oskar, businessman, b. January 4, 1875 
KUHN, Karl, headwaiter, b. July 26, 1897 
LAFORCE, Karl, student of Engineering, b. October 

28, 1904 

NEUBAUER, Kurt, valet, b. March 27, 1899 
PAPE, Claus von, businessman, b. August 16, 1904 
PFORDTEN, Theodor von der, County Court Council- 
lor, b. May 14, 1873 
RICKMERS, Johann, retired Cavalry Captain, b. 

May 7, 1881 
ScHEUBNER-RicHTER, Max Erwin von, Doctor of 

Engineering, b. January 9, 1884 
STRANSKY, Lorenz Ritter von, Engineer, b. March 

14, 1889 
WOLF, Wilhelm, businessman, b. October 19, 1898 

So-called national authorities denied these dead heroes a 
common grave. 

Therefore I dedicate to them, for common memory, the 
first volume of this work, as the blood witnesses of which 
they may continue to serve as a brilliant example for the 
followers of our movement. 



October 16, 1924 


ON APRIL I, 1924, because of the sentence handed 
down by the People's Court of Munich, I had to 
begin that day, serving my term in the fortress at 
Landsberg on the Lech. 

Thus, after years of uninterrupted work, I was afforded 
for the first time an opportunity to embark on a task 
insisted upon by many and felt to be serviceable to the 
movement by myself. Therefore, I resolved not only to 
set forth, in two volumes, the object of our movement, but 
also to draw a picture of its development. From this more 
can be learned than from any purely doctrinary treatise. 

That also gave me the opportunity to describe my own 
development, as far as this is necessary for the understand- 
ing of the first as well as the second volume, and which may 
serve to destroy the evil legends created about my person 
by the Jewish press. 

With this work I do not address myself to strangers, but 
to those adherents of the movement who belong to it with 
their hearts and whose reason now seeks a more intimate 
enlightenment. I know that one is able to win people far 
more by the spoken than by the written word, and that 
every great movement on this globe owes its rise to the 
great speakers and not to the great writers. 

Nevertheless, the basic elements of a doctrine must be 
set down in permanent form in order that it may be repre- 
sented in the same way and in unity. In this connection 
these two volumes should serve as building stones which I 
add to our common work. 




Volume I 





Chapter I 


The Young Ringleader 7 

Enthusiasm for War 8 

Drawing Talent IO 

Never State Official 12 

But Painter 13 

The Young Nationalist 15 

The German Ostmark 15 

The Fight for the German Nationality 16 

History Lessons 1 8 

History Favorite Subject 2O 

The Habsburgs' Policy of Slavization 21 

The Young Wagnerian 23 

Father's Death ' 24 

Mother's Passing Away 25 

Chapter II 


An Architect's Ability 27 

Five Years of Misery 29 

Th Genius of Youth 30 

Unsocial Vienna 31 

The Contrasts 32 

The Unskilled Worker 34 


The Uncertainty of Making a Living 35 
The Worker's Fate 36 
The Perpetual Mirage of Hunger 37 
Unfortunate Victims of Bad Social Conditions 37 
The Nature of Social Activity 39 
The Lack of ' National Pride ' 41 
The Rats of Political Poisoning 42 
Martyrdom of the Worker's Child 43 
The Presupposition for - Nationalization ' 44 
Arduous Study 44 
The Art of Reading 46-49 
Social Democracy 50 
First Encounter with Social Democrats 5I~53 
The Red Terror 53 
The Social Democrat Press 54 
The Psyche of the Masses 56 
Tactics of Marxism 58 
The Victims of the Red Tempters 59 
The Sins of the Bourgeoisie 59 
The Necessity of Union Activity 60 
The Struggle for Power 62 
Politization of the Unions 63 
The Threatening Thundercloud 64 
The Key to Social Democracy 66 
The Jewish Question 66 
The So-called World Press 68 
Criticism of Kaiser Wilhelm II 70 
The Greatest German Mayor 72 
Is This Also a Jew? 73 
The Zionists 74 
The Spiritual Pestilence of Jewry 76 
The Cunning of the 'World Press' 77 
The Manager of Vice 78 
The Jew as Leader of Social Democracy 78-~79 
Jewish Dialectics 8 1 
The Cosmopolite Changes into a Fanatical Anti- 
Semite 83 
Marxism and Nature 84 


Chapter III 



The Politician 86 

Political Thinking 87 

Vienna's Last Rise 88 

Germanity in Austria 89 

Centrifugal Forces 96 

The Tragic Guilt of the Habsburge 93 

The Revolution of 1848 94 
The Historical Liquidation of the Danube Monarchy 94 

Parliamentarianism 95 

The Soil of the Marxist World Plague 99 

Lack of Responsibility IOO 

The Leader and the Masses IO2 

The Incompetents and the Babblers IO2 

Hiding Behind the Majority 103 

Lined up in a Queue 105 

The Parliamentarian Profiteers 106 

4 Public Opinion' 108 

The Machine for Educating the Masses 108 

The Cuttlefish I IO 

The Will of the Majority 1 12 

The Intellectual Demi-monde 1 14 

The Gist of the Matter 115 

Germanic Democracy 1 1 6 

The Collapsing Dual Monarchy 119 

The Pan -German Movement I2O 

The Dreams of the Forefathers 121 

The Rebellion of the German- Austrians 121 

Human Rights Breaks State Rights 123 

The Merit of the Pan-Germans in Austria 124 
Schoenerer and Lueger 125-129 

Pacifism of the German Bourgeoisie 130 

The Fight Against Parliamentarism 132 

Parliament and Peoples' Assembly 133 

'Parliamentarians' Instead of Leaders 135 


The Magic of the Word 136 

The Power of Speech 137 

Mistakes of the Pan-German Movement 138 

Religion and Politics 139 

The Los-von-Rom Movement 140-152 

Concentration 152 

The Way of the Christian Social Party 153 

A Splash of Baptismal Water 154 

The Christian -Social Sham Anti-Semitism 156 

Pan-German and Christian-Social 158 

Rising Aversion Against the Habsburg State 159 

The Old Mosaic Picture 1 60 

The School of my Life 161-162 

Chapter IV 


Germany's Wrong Policy of Alliance 164 

The Jugglery of the Triple Alliance 165 

The Bearers of the Idea of the Alliance 1 66 

Insane Attitude 167 

The Four Ways of German Politics 169-179 

Pyramids Standing on their Points 180 

With England Against Russia 183 

The Dream of World-Peace 185 

With Russia Against England 1 88 
4 Peaceful Economic ' Conquest The Greatest 

Folly 1 88 
The Englishman as Seen by the German Cartoonist 189 

The Inner Weakness of the Triple Alliance 190 
Ludendorff on the Weakness of the Triple Alliance 192 
The Jewish-Socialist War-Agitators Against Russia 193 

The Tempting Legacy 193 

Warnings from German Conservatives 194 

The Nature of the State 195-201 

Symptoms of Decay 201 

The Years of Destruction 2OI 

Prattling Quackery 203 


Chapter V 


The Impending Catastrophe 205 

The Slav's Greatest Friend is Murdered 206 

Austria's Ultimatum 206 

The German Nation's Existence or Non-existence 207 

The Meaning of the Struggle for Freedom 210 

Joining a Bavarian Regiment 212 

The Baptism of Fire 213 

A Monument to Immortality 216 

The Parliamentarian Prattlers 216 

Drops of Wormwood in the General Enthusiasm 217 

Misunderstood Marxism 2l8 

What Was to be Done Now? 220 

The Use of Force 221 

Perseverance 222 

The Attack Against the View of Life 223 

The Same Rubbish 224 

The Great Gap 225 

Chapter VI 


Propaganda a Means 228 

The Purpose of Propaganda 229 

Propaganda Only for the Masses 230 
The Task of Propaganda 231-232 

The Psychology of Propaganda 233 

The Consequence of Half Measures 236 

German Mania of Objectivity 237 

Pacifistic Dishwater 238 

Propaganda for the Masses 239 

The Enemy's Propaganda 240 


Chapter VII 


The Enemy's First Leaflets 245 

Lamenting Letters from Home 246 

The Poison on the Front 246 

Wounded 247 

Boasting of One's Own Cowardice 248 

The Duty-Shirkers 249 

The Most Ingenious Trick of the Jew 252 
The Ammunition Strike The Greatest Villainy 253 

Russia's Collapse 256-257 

The 'German ' Revolution Awaited Its Entry 258 

The Result of the Ammunition Strike 258 

The Front and the Political Rascals 260 

Increase of the Decay 262 

The Younger Reinforcements Fail 264 

Poisoned by Mustard Gas 264 

'Republic' 266 

In Vain all the Sacrifices 267 

Wretched and Miserable Criminals! 268 

Scoundrels Are Without Honor 269 

Chapter VIII 


Social Revolutionary Party 280-281 

Gottfried Feder 282 

The Task of the Program-Maker 283 

Program-Maker and Politician 284 

The Marathon Runners of History 286 

Breaking of the Tyranny of Interest 287 

The ' Instruction Officer ' 289-290 


Chapter IX 


'My Political Awakening* 296 
The Board Meeting in the 'Alte Rosenbad 9 297-298 

The So-called ' Intelligentsia ' 300 

The Seventh Member 301 

Chapter X 


Premonitory Symptoms of Collapse 3O3~~34 

The Great Lie 306 

The Culprits of the Collapse 307 

Do Nations Perish by Lost Wars? 308 

Among the Germans Every Third Man a Traitor 311 

The Great Masters of Lying 313 

Diseases of National Bodies 314 

The Signs of Decay 315 

The Idol of Mammon 316 

Labor as the Object of Speculation 319 
Half Measures One of the Most Evil Symptoms 

of Decay 322 

The Gravediggers of the Monarchy 323 

The Meaning of the Monarchy 324 

The Cowards of 1918 326 

Cowardice Towards Responsibility 327 

Three Groups of Readers 328 

The Pretended 'Freedom of the Press* 330 

Mass Poisoning of the Nation 330 

Tactics of the Jewish Press 331 

The Result of Our Semi- Education 334 

The ' Decent ' Press 335 

Syphilis 336 

The Miserable Products of Financial Expediency 337 

The ' Defining of Attitude ' 338 


The Sin Against the Blood and the Degradation of 

the Race 339 
The Task of the Nation 341 
Prostitution A Disgrace to Mankind 342 
Marriage Not an End in Itself 343 
Education of Youth 345~346 
Premature and Prematurely Old 348 
One of the Most Colossal Tasks 349 
The 'Protective Paragraph* 350 
The Energy for the Fight for Health 351 
The Bolshevism of Art 352 
The Decay of the Theater 355 
The Tainting of the Great Past 356 
Meaning and Purpose of Revolutions 358 
Intellectual Preparation for Political Bolshevism 359 
'Inner Experience* 360 
'Human Settlements' 360 
Monuments of the Community 362 
Department Store and Hotel Characteristic Ex- 
pression of Culture 363 
The Religious Situation 364 
Organic State Laws and Dogmas 366 
Political Abuse of Religion 367 
Without Political Aims 368 
The Failure of Parliamentarism 369 
Half-hearted Solutions 370 
The Lie of the German ' Militarism ' 374 
The 'Idea of Risk' 376 
The Parliamentarian Head, the Misfortune of the 

Navy 377 

Villains, Scoundrels, Rascals, and Criminals 378 

The German Advantages 380 

Parade and Public Kitchen 381 

The Stability of the State Authority 382 

The Greatest Factor of Value The Army 383 

The Greatest School of the German Nation 384 

The Incomparable Body of Officials 386 

The State Authority 387 

The Ultimate Cause of the Collapse 388 


Chapter XI 


The Race 390-391 

The Result of All Race-crossing 392 

Man and Idea 394 

Race and Culture 396 

Life is a Struggle 397 

Founders of Culture 398 

The Mirror of the Past 400 

The Ingenious Race 402 
The Aryan is the Bearer of Cultural Development 404 

The Loss of the Purity of the Blood 406 

The Aryan's Will to Sacrifice Himself 407 

Purest Idealism Deepest Knowledge 41 1 

The Aryan and the Jew 412 

The 'Clever' Jew 412 

Jewry's Instinct of Self-Preservation 414 

Judaism's Sham Culture 416 

The Jewish Ape 417 

The Parasite 419 

The First Great Lie 421 

The Jewish Religion 422 

Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion 423 

The Development of Judaism 425 

The Final Goal of Judaism 435 

The ' Factory Worker ' 436 

Employer and Employee 438 

The Tactics of Judaism 440 

The Nucleus of the 'Marxist* View of Life 441 
The Organization of the Marxist World Doctrine 443 
The Central Organization of International World 

Cheating 447 

Dictatorship of the Proletariat 449 

The Great, Final Revolution 450 

Bastardized Nations 452 

The Sham Prosperity of the Old Reich 453 

A Germanic State of the German Nation 457 


Chapter XII 


A People Tom in Two Parts 457 

The Lacking Will for Self -Preservation 459 

The Winning of the Broad Masses 461 

The Weak Momentum 462 

The Best Property of the Nation 463 

The Nationalization of the Masses 464 

The Demands for This 465 

The Smashing of Parliamentarianism 479 

The Ingenious Idea 481 
The Organization of the National Socialist Movement 482 

Fanaticism 486 

The Honorary Scar 488 

Personality Cannot be Substituted 488 

The Eternal Hands 489 

The Speech Evening 490 

The First Meeting 491 

The First Success 492 

Fight Against the Red Terror 494 

The Second Meeting 495 

The Shaping of the Young Movement 496 

German Folkish Wandering Scholars 498 

Folkish Comedians 499 

'Folkish' 501 

Spiritual Marches Against Berlin 502 

The ' Spiritual Weapon ' 503 

Folkish Moths 504 

The First Great Mass Meeting 505 

Fraternization Between Marxism and Center 507 

Pfchner and Frick , 58 

The Foundations of the Coming State 5IO 

The Victory of the First Great Demonstration 512 

The Coming Rise 515 



Velum* II 

Chapter I 


Bourgeois 'Program Committees' 564 

From the Life of a 'People's Representative' 565 

Marxism and Democratic Principle $68 

View of Life Against View of Life 570 

The Conception ' Folkish ' 573 

From Religious Feeling to Apodictic Belief 575 

From 'Folkish ' Feeling to Political Creed 576 

From Creed to Community of Struggle 57^ 

Marxism Against Race and Personality 579 

Folkish Attitude Towards Race and Personality 579 

The Challenge of the Free Play of Forces 581 

Condensation in the Party 582 

Crystallization of a Political Creed 583 

Chapter II 


Three Reigning Conceptions of the State 585-587 

False Notion of ' Germanization ' 588 

Only Land Can Be Germanized 591 

The State No End in Itself 592 

Cultural Level Conditioned by Race 593 

National Socialist Conception of the State 594 

Viewpoints for Judging the State 596 

Consequences of Our Racial Dismemberment 598 

Mission of the German People 600 

Task of the German State 6oi 

World History is Made by Minorities 603 

The Bastard Must Succumb 604 

Natural Process of Regeneration of the Race 605 

Danger of Race-Mixing 606 

xxviil CONTENTS 

'Folkish ' State and Race Hygiene 608 

Race-pure Border Colonies 6lO 

Call to German Youth 6ll 

The Bourgeoisie's Lack of Energy 6l2 

Healthy Body Healthy Spirit 614 

Educational Maxims of the ' Folkish ' State 615 

The Value of Sports 616 

Suggestive Force of Self -Confidence 618 

Suggestive Force of United Action 618 
Control Between School Age and Military Service 

Age 619 

The Army as Final and Highest School 620 

Character Formation 621 

Education in Discretion 622 

Cultivation of Will Power and Determination 623 

Fostering Readiness for Responsibility 625 

Principles of Scientific Schooling 626 

No Overburdening of the Brain 626 

Principles of Language Instruction 627 

Principles of History Instruction 628 

General Training Professional Training 630 

Value of Humanistic Training 631 

Current 'Patriotic* Education 632 

Inspiring Force of Great Models 633 

Awakening National Pride 633 

Fear of Chauvinism is Impotence 636 

Inculcation of a Racial Sense 636 

Human Selection 637 

Capability and Learning 638 

Training Prodigies 640 

State Selection of the Qualified 640 

The Catholic Church's Link with the People 643 

Appraisal of Work 645 

Grading of Services 649 

Ideal and Reality 650 


Chapter III 


How One Becomes a Citizen Today 657 

Citizens State Subjects Aliens 658 

The State Citizen Master of the Reich 659 

Chapter IV 


STATE 660 

Construction on Aristocratic Principle 66 1 

Rise of Human Culture 662 

Personality and Progress of Culture 663 

Value of Personality 664 

The Majority Principle 666 

Marxism Denies Personality 666 

Marxism is Uncreative 668 

The Best State Constitution 669 

Advisory Chambers Responsible Leaders 670 

Towards the Future State 672 

Chapter V 


Struggle and Criticism 674 

Views of Life are Intolerant 676 

Parties Seek Compromises 676 

Community on the Basis of New View of Life 677 

Leadership and Following- 678 

Necessity of Guiding Principles 680 

Formulation of Guiding Principles 68 1 

Stability of Program 682 

Spirit, Not Letter, Decides 683 

National Socialism and Folkish Idea 684 

THe Sham Folkish 685 


Chapter VI 

Struggle Against Poisoning Propaganda 696 
Against the Current 699 
Politics at Far Sight 700 
Oratorical Experiences 701 
Enlightenment on the Peace Treaties 702 
Speech More Effective than Writing 704 
Psychological Aspects of Oratory 704 
Oratory and Writing in the Service of Agitation 705 
Psychological Conditions of Oratorical Effectiveness 709 
Orators and Revolution 711 
Printed Speech Disappoints 712 
Bethmann and Lloyd George as Orators 712 
Necessity of Mass Meetings 715 
Significance of Community Feeling 715 
Orators Who Break Down 716 

Chapter VII 


Bourgeois ' Mass Meetings ' 718 

National Socialist Mass Meetings 720 

The Equivocal Red Posters 721 

Vacillating Tactics of the Marxists 723 

Opponents Make Us Known 723 

Law-Breaking Police Procedure 724 

Psychologically Correct Rally Management 725 

Marxist Rally Technique 726 

Bourgeois Rally Technique 727 

National Socialist Order Troops 729 

Significance of the Unified Symbol 730 

Old and New Black-Red-Gold 731 

Old and New Reich Flag 733 

The National Socialist Flag 734 


Interpretation of the National Socialist Symbol 736 

The First Circus Rally 739 

Rally After Rally 743 

Futile Attempts at Disruption 746 

The Meeting Continues 749 

Chapter VIII 


Right of Priority in a Movement 751 

The Struggle for Leadership 753 

Austria and Prussia 754 

Causes of Folkish Dismemberment 757 

The Formation of Joint Efforts 758 

The Essence of Joint Efforts 760 

The Collapse of Joint Efforts 762 

Chapter IX 



The Three Pillars of Authority 764 

The Three Classes of Folk Bodies 766 

The Sacrifice of the Best 767 

The Hyperfecundity of the Bad 768 

Resulting Disorganization 770 

Founding of the Free Corps 771 

Misplaced Leniency to Deserters 773 

Deserters and Revolution 773 

Fear of the Front Soldiers 775 

Collaboration of Left Parties 776 

The Capture of the Bourgeois 777 

Capitulation of the Bourgeois 779 

Why Did the Revolution Succeed? 780 

Passivity of the State Guardians 781 

Capitulation to Marxism 782 


Breakdown of the National Parties 783 

Without an Idea, No Force for Struggle 784 

Advocacy of the Folkish Idea 786 

Need for Guard Troops 787 

Guarding the Nation, Not the State 790 

Self-Protection, Not 'Defense League' 791 

Why No Defense Leagues 792 

Impossibility of Proper Drilling 793 

Counter-Tendency of the State 795 

The Sacrifice of Our Army 796 

No Secret Organizations 797 

The Danger of Secret Organizations 798 

Shall Traitors be ' Eliminated ' ? 800 

Sport Training of the S.A. 801 

Designation and Publicity 802 

First Parade in Munich 805 

The March to Coburg 806 

The Reception in Coburg 806 

Red Demonstration 807 
The S.A. Stands the Test as a Vital Organization 

of Struggle 809 

The End of 1923 810 

Chapter X 


War Associations and Anti-Prussian Sentiment 817 

Anti- Prussian Agitation as a Diversion Maneuver 818 

Kurt Eisner, 'Bavarian Particularist ' 819 

My Struggle Against the Anti-Prussian Incitement 820 

1 Federative Activity ' 822 

Jewish Incitement Tactic 823 

Anti-Semitism and Defense 824 

The Jew Creates Confessional Conflict 825 

The Curse of Religious Wars 826 

Necessity for Agreement 827 

Struggle Against the 'Center 1 828 

CONTENTS xxxiii 

Federal or Unified State? 830 

The Gentian Federal State 831 

Bismarck's Creation 832 

The Revolution and the Federal State 833 
The Policy of Redemption and the Forfeiture of the 

Federal States' Sovereignty 834 

Results of Reich Foreign Policy 836 

National State or Slave Colony 837 

Unifying Tendencies 838 

Abuse of Centralization 839 

Oppression of the Individual States 841 

Centralization Benefits Party Coffers 841 

Reich State Sovereignty 842 

Cultural Tasks of the Provinces 842 

Unification of the Army 843 

One People One State 845 

Chapter XI 


Theoretician Organizer Agitator 847 

Followers and Members 849 

Propaganda and Organization 850 

The Power for Struggle of Activistic Selection 853 

Limitation on Membership Enrolment 854 

Frightening the Half-Hearted 856 

Reorganization of the Movement 857 

Suspension of 'Parliamentarism* 858 

Responsibility of the Chief 859 

Principle of the Leader Idea 859 

The Embryonic State of the Movement 860 

Building the Movement 86l 


Chapter XII 


Arc Trade Unions Necessary? 870 
National Socialist Trade Unions? 871 
Future Chambers of Economy 875 
Corporation Chambers and Economic Parliament 876 
No Dual Unions 877 
First the Battle for the View of Life, Later the Libera- 
tion of the Individual 880 
Better no National Socialist Trade Union than a Mis- 
carriage 882 

Chapter XIII 


Reasons for the Breakdown 886 

The Goal of Foreign Policy: Freedom for Tomorrow 888 

Precondition for the Liberation of the Lost Regions 888 

Strengthening of Continental Power 892 

False Continental Policy Before the War 894 

European Relations of Power 894 

England and Germany 895 

Shifting of the 4 Balance of Power' 896 

England's War Aim Unachieved 898 

The Hegemony of France 899 

Political Aims of France and England 899 

On the Possibilities of Alliances 900 

Necessity of Community of Interests 901 

Is Germany Capable of an Alliance? 903 

The Will to Destruction of Jewish Finance 905 

Jewish World Incitement Against Germany 906 

Adaptation to the Mentalities of Nations 907 

Two Possible Allies: England Italy 908 

Hobnobbing with France 909 

The South Tyrol Question 911 


Frustration of German-Italian Agreement 915 

Who Betrayed the South Tyrol 915 

Not Armed Force, But the Politics of Alliance 917 

Three Questions on the Politics of Alliance 918 

The First Symptom of German Rebirth 919 

Neglected Exploiting of the Versailles Treaty 920 

4 Lord Bless Our Struggle ' 921 

Inversion of the Anti-German Psychosis 922 

The Will to Liberation Struggle 923 

Concentration on One Opponent 925 

Settling Accounts with One's Own Traitors 925 

War of the Nations Against Jewry 927 

England and Jewry 928 

Japan and Jewry 929 

Jewry, the World Enemy 931 

Chapter XIV 


Prejudice in Questions of Foreign Policy 934 
Significance of the State's Territorial Extensiveness 935 

Area and World Power 936 

French and German Colonial Policy 937 

Out of the Constricted Existence! 939 

The Strength of a State is Relative 941 

The Fruits of a Millennium of German Policy 941 

No Hurrah-Patriotism! 943 

The Call to the Old Borders 944 

Foreign Poljpy Aim of the National Socialists 947 

No Sentimentality in Foreign Policy 948 

Germanic Elements in Russia 951 

End of Jewish Domination in Russia? 952 

Bismarck's Russian Policy 953 

The 'League of Oppressed Nations' 954 

Is England's Hold on India Shaking? 955 

Is England's Hold on the East Shaking? 957 

German Alliance with Russia? 957 


Germany-Russia Before the War 960 

A Political Testament 963 

Advantages of an Anglo-German-Italian Alliance 964 

The Preconditions for an Eastern Policy 965 

The National Socialists 966 

Chapter XV 


Jewish Leadership of Foreign Policy 970 

Seven Years to 1813 Seven Years to Locarno 971 

Persecution of Unpleasant Prophets 972 

France's Immovable War Aim 974 

France's Immovable Political Aim 977 

Settlement with France 978 

The Occupation of the Ruhr District 979 
Foreign and Domestic Political Results of the Ruhr 

Occupation 979 
What Should Have Been Done After the Ruhr Oc- 
cupation? 981 
The Neglected Accounting with Marxism 983 
Not Weapons, but Will, Decides! 987 
Cuno's Road 987 
The 'United Front' 988 
Passive Resistance 989 
The Position of the National Socialists 990 
November 1923 992 
Our Dead as Monitors of Duty 993 



INDEX 995 

Volume One 

This translation was prepared under the aus- 
pices of Dr. Alvin Johnson, of The New School 
for Social Research. 

The typography of the text of this book follows 
that of the first German edition. Both italics and 
bold-faced type are used wherever they occurred 
in the original. 

The more important portions of this book, omit- 
ted from the Dugdale Abridgment or condensed 
in that version, are indicated by a dagger at the 
beginning of such passages and by an arrow at 
the end. 


FODAY I consider it my good fortune that Fate de- 

1 signated Braunau on the Inn as the place of my birth. 

For this small town is situated on the border between 

those two German States, the reunion of which seems, at 

least to us of the younger generation, a task to be furthered 

with every means our lives long. 

German-Austria must return to the great German mo- 
therland, and not because of economic considerations of 
any sort. No, no: even if from the economic point of view 
this union were unimportant, indeed, if it were harmful, it 
ought nevertheless to be brought about. Common blood be- 
longs in a common Reich. As long as the German nation is 
unable even to band together its own children in one com- 
mon State, it has no moral right to think of colonization as 
one of its political aims. Only when the boundaries of the 
Reich include even the last German, only when it is no 
longer possible to assure him of daily bread inside them, 
does there arise, out of the distress of the nation, the moral 
right to acquire foreign soil and territory. The sword is 
then the plow, and from the tears of war there grows the 
daily bread for generations to come. Therefore, this little 
town on the border appears to me the symbol of a great 
task. But in another respect also it looms up as a warning 


to our present time. More than a hundred years ago, this 
insignificant little place had the privilege of gaining an 
immortal place in German history at least by being the 
scene of a tragic misfortune that moved the entire nation. 
There, during the time of the deepest humiliation of our 
fatherland, Johannes Palm, citizen of Nurnberg, a middle- 
class bookdealer, die-hard 'nationalist, 1 an enemy of the 

The idealism of the Wars of Liberation, waged by Prussia 
against Napoleon, is reflected in the career of Johann Phillip 
Palm, Nurnberg book-seller, who in 1806 issued a work en- 
titled, Deutschland in seiner tiefsten Erniedrigung (Germany in 
the Hour of Its Deepest Humiliation). This was a diatribe 
against the Corsican. Palm was tried by a military tribunal, 
sentenced to death, and shot at Braunau on August 26, 1806. 
During the centenary year (1906) a play in honor of Palm was 
written by A. Ebenhoch, an Austrian author. It is possible 
that Hitler may have seen or read this drama. 

Leo Schlageter, a German artillery officer who served after 
the World War in the Free Corps with which General von der 
Goltz attempted to conserve part of what Germany had gained 
by the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, was found guilty of sabotage 
by a French military tribunal during the Ruhr invasion of 
1923. He had blown up a portion of the railway line between 
Dusseldorf and Duisburg, and had been caught in the act. 
The assertion that he was 'betrayed* to the French is without 
historical foundation. It was the policy of the German govern- 
ment to discountenance open military measures and to place 
its reliance upon so-called 'passive resistance.' Karl Severing, 
then Social Democratic Minister of the Interior in Prussia, was 
a zealous though cautious patriot whose firm defense of the 
democratic institutions of Weimar angered extremists of all 
kinds. He was thus a favorite Nazi target. The governments oi 
the Reich and of Prussia made every effort to save Schlageter. 
The Vatican intervened in his behalf, and it is generally sup- 
posed that the French authorities would have commuted the 
sentence had it not been for a sudden wave of opposition to 


French, was killed for the sake of the Germany he ardently 
loved even in the hour of its distress. He had obstinately 
refused to denounce his fellow offenders, or rather the chief 
offenders. Thus he acted like Leo Schlageter. But like 
him, he too was betrayed to France by a representative of 
his government. It was a director of the Augsburg police 
who earned that shoddy glory, thus setting an example for 
the new German authorities of Heir Severing's Reich, 
t In this little town on the river Inn, gilded by the light of 
German martyrdom, there lived, at the end of the eighties 
of the last century, my parents, Bavarian by blood, Aus- 
trian by nationality : the father a faithful civil servant, the 

Poincar6's policy in the Chamber. That induced the govern- 
ment to make a show of firmness. Schlageter, whose last words 
are said to have been, 'Germany must live,' was executed on 
May 26, 1923. Immediately he became a German national hero. 
His example more than anything else hallowed the tradition of 
the Free Corps in the popular mind and thus strengthened pro- 
militaristic sentiment. One of the first cultural activities of the 
Nazi regime was a tribute to Schlageter. 

Hitler's family background has been a subject for much re- 
search and speculation. The father, Alois Hitler (1837-1903), 
was the illegitimate son of Maria Anna Schicklgruber; and it is 
generally assumed that the father was the man she married 
Johann Hiedler. Until he was forty, he bore the name of his 
mother, being known as Alois Schicklgruber. Then on January 
8, 1877, he legally changed the name to Hitler, which had been 
that of his maternal grandmother. His third wife was Klara 
Poelzl (1860-1908), who on April 20, 1889, gave birth to Adolf 
Hitler. There may have been a brother or half-brother if 
reports current in Nazi circles are to be credited. At any rate, 
Hitler has a living sister and a half-sister. The first has lived in 
retirement, but the second a woman of considerable charm 
and ability is known to have exercised no little influence at 


mother devoting herself to the cares of the household and 
looking after her children with eternally the same loving 
kindness. I remember only little of this time, for a few 
years later my father had again to leave the little border 
town he had learned to like, and go down the Inn to take a 
new position at Passau, that is in Germany proper. 

But the lot of an Austrian customs official of those days 
frequently meant 'moving on.' Just a short time after- 
wards my father was transferred to Linz, and finally retired 
on a pension there. But this was not to mean * rest' for the 
old man. The son of a poor cottager, even in his childhood 
he had not been able to stay at home. Not yet thirteen 
years old, the little boy he then was bundled up his things 
and ran away from his homeland, the Waldviertel. Despite 
the dissuasion of 'experienced' inhabitants of the village 
he had gone to Vienna to learn a trade there. This was in 
the fifties of the last century. A bitter resolve it must have 
been to take to the road, into the unknown, with only three 
guilders for traveling money. But by the time the thirteen- 
year-old lad was seventeen, he had passed his apprentice's 
examination, but he had not yet found satisfaction. It was 
rather the opposite. The long time of hardship through 
which he then passed, of endless poverty and misery, 
strengthened his resolve to give up the trade after all in 
order to become something 'better.' If once the village 
pastor had seemed to the little boy the incarnation of all 
obtainable human success, now, in the big city which had 
so widened his perspective, the rank of civil servant became 
the ideal. With all the tenacity of one who had grown ' old ' 
through want and sorrow while still half a child, the sev- 
enteen-year-old youth clung to his decision . . . and became 
a civil servant. The goal was reached, I believe, after nearly 
twenty-three years. Now there had been realized the 
premise of the vow that the poor boy once had sworn, not 
to return to his dear native village before he had become 


Now the goal was reached, but nobody in the village 
remembered the little boy of long ago, and the village had 
become a stranger to him. 

When he retired at the age of fifty-six, he was unable to 
spend a single day in 'doing nothing.' He bought a farm 
near Lambach in Upper Austria which he worked himself, 
thus returning, after a long and active life, to the origin of 
his ancestors. 

It was probably at that time that my first ideals were 
formed. A lot of romping around out-of-doors, the long 
trip to school, and the companionship with unusually 'ro- 
bust 1 boys, which at times caused my mother much grief, 
made me anything but a stay-at-home. Though I did not 
brood over my future career at that time, I had decidedly 
no sympathy for the course my father's life had taken. I 
believe that even then my ability for making speeches was 
trained by the more or less stirring discussions with my 
comrades. I had become a little ringleader and at that 
time learned easily and did very well in school, but for the 
rest I was rather difficult to handle. Inasmuch as I received 
singing lessons in my spare time in the choir of the Lambach 
Convent, I repeatedly had an excellent opportunity of intox- 
icating myself with the solemn splendor of the magnificent 
church festivals. It was perfectly natural that the position 
of abbot appeared to me to be the highest ideal obtainable, 
just as that of being the village pastor had appealed to my 
father. At least at times this was the case. For obvious 
reasons my father could not appreciate the talent for ora- 
tory of his quarrelsome son in the same measure, nor could 
he perceive in it any hope for the future of the lad, and so 
he showed no understanding for these youthful ideas. 
Sadly he observed this dissension of nature. 

Actually, my occasional longing for this profession dis- 
appeared very quickly and made way for aspirations more 
in keeping with my temperament. Rummaging through 


my father's library, I stumbled upon various books on mili- 
tary subjects, and among them I found a popular edition 
dealing with the Franco-Prussian War of 1870-71. These 
were two volumes of an illustrated journal of the period 
which now became my favorite reading matter. Before 
long that great heroic campaign had become my greatest 
spiritual experience. From then on I raved more and more 
about everything connected with war or with militarism. 

Since Hitler's outlook and policies are rooted in Austrian ex- 
perience (it is sometimes said that he 'made Germany an Aus- 
trian's province') some remarks on the general situation in his 
home land may be helpful. The Austria-Hungary of the last 
three decades of the nineteenth century was only the remnant 
of a Habsburg Empire that had once included most of western 
Europe. It was a 'dual monarchy,' the crown belonging to the 
monarch as Emperor of Austria and King of Hungary. Since 
most of Germany had been welded together (1871) by Bis- 
marck in an empire ruled by the Hohenzollern kings of Prussia, 
the Germans who remained in Austria-Hungary constituted a 
minority, even though most of the important bureaucratic 
positions were still in their hands. The position obtained by 
Hungary made their lot no easier. For soon every ' nationality ' 
wished to secure comparable advantages for itself. 

The monarchy itself had suffered many a reverse. Under 
Frederick the Great and Bismarck, the Prussians had inflicted 
several major defeats upon their Austrian rivals. While the 
revolutionary liberalism of 1848 was successfully put down at 
the cost of severe fighting, the power of the bureaucratic State 
was none the less seriously undermined and the eventual 
triumph of 'constitutionalism* in 1860-61 was assured. In 
addition the unification of Italy was achieved at the cost of 
Austrian prestige and possessions. And though the Partition of 
Poland had added Galicia to the Habsburg domains, it was 
always doubtful who ruled the province the Poles or the 
Austrians. Galicia was also the home of large Jewish com- 
munities, from which strong contingents moved to Vienna 
and other important cities. 


But this was to prove of importance to me in another 
direction as well. For the first time the question confronted 
me I was a bit confused, perhaps if and what differ- 
ence there was between those Germans fighting these bat- 
tles and the others. Why was it that Austria had not taken 
part also in this war, why not my father, and why not all 
the others? -< 

Are we not the same as all the other Germans? 

Do we not all belong together? This problem now began 
to whirl through my little head for the first time. After 
cautious questioning, I heard with envy the reply that not 
every German was fortunate enough to belong to Bis- 
marck's Reich. 

This I could not understand. 

I was to become a student. 

From 1880 onward, the problem of * nationalities' dominated 
Austrian life. On the one hand, the Hungarians were concerned 
lest the Slavic groups Czechs, Croats, Poles, etc. extend 
their demand for autonomy to the point where the Empire 
would become a * federation' of States, and therefore made 
common cause with the Germans on issues affecting the status 
quo. But a good many Germans, for their part, felt aggrieved 
at having been excluded from the Bismarckian Empire and 
saw no future for themselves in a predominantly Slavic State. 
On the other hand, the Czechs and kindred 'nationalities' con- 
tinued to urge the idea of a federation, and to insist upon the 
right to foster their own languages and cultures. The Habs- 
burg rulers had no choice save recourse to continual compro- 
mise. In the Austrian parliament common national interests, 
for example the army, were always being subordinated to hotly 
debated matters of domestic 'nationality' policy. Doubtless 
there was no way out except the establishment of a federation. 
To this idea Franz Ferdinand, the Crown Prince whose murder 
at Saravejo was the immediate cause of the World War, seems 
to have committed himself. 


Because of my entire nature, even more because of my 
temperament, my father thought he was right in concluding 
that attendance at the humanistic Gymnasium would not 
be in keeping with my ability. He thought that the Real- 
schule [a German secondary school for modern subjects and 
sciences] seemed more suitable. This opinion was strength- 
ened by my obvious talent for drawing; this subject, he 
thought, had been neglected in the Austrian schools. Per- 
haps his own lifetime of hard work was a decisive factor and 
made him appreciate humanistic studies to a lesser degree, 
for to him they appeared impractical. As a matter of prin- 
ciple, he was determined that like himself his son should, 
nay must, become an official. It was natural that the bitter 
experiences of his own youth made his later achievements 
appear so much greater, especially since they were exclu- 

Some Germans protested strongly against these tendencies. 
Nevertheless, the effort to create a party openly favorable to 
the separation of German Austria from the Austro-Hungarian 
Empire and its merger in the Bismarckian State was far less 
successful than might have been anticipated. The early Na- 
tionalists of the iSSo's eventually gave rise to the Grossdeutsch 
Partei of Hitler's youth, which was violently critical of the 
Habsburgs and of all concessions made to the Slavs during the 
years 1879-1900. Perhaps it would have gained more ground 
if Bismarck had been vitally interested in the problem. But in 
addition to the dynastic question of the status of the Habsburgs, 
he had after 1871 to avoid giving the impression that Prussia 
was an expansion-hungry State. He also realized that the 
Vienna monarchy was a source of unity in the chaotic south- 
east of Europe, in the affairs of which he did not wish to involve 
Germany. Accordingly, the Grossdeutsch people got little 
sympathy from him. When he was dismissed from his post by 
Emperor Wilhelm II, the sole group remaining in Germany 
that could have given much support to the separationist move- 
ment in German Austria was the AUdeutscher Verband (Pan- 


sively the result of his own industry and energy. It was the 
pride of the self-made man which moved him to endeavor 
to bring his son to a similar position in life, if not a better 
one, and all the more since he hoped to make things easier 
for the child through his own industry. 

It was unthinkable that that which had become the con- 
tent of his whole life could be rejected. Thus the father's 
decision was matter-of-fact, simple, exact, and clear, quite 
comprehensibly in his own eyes. His domineering nature, 
the result of a lifelong struggle for existence, would have 
thought it unbearable to leave the ultimate decision to a 
boy who, in his opinion, was inexperienced and irrespon- 
sible. What is more, this would have been inconsistent with 
his idea of duty, a wicked and reprehensible weakness in 
exercising his paternal authority as he saw it in his respon- 
sibility for the future of his son. 

German League), an organization of chauvinists and expan- 
sionists. They, however, looked upon Austria-Hungary as a 
powerful ally and as a diving-board for the plunge eastward 
which they looked upon as the German destiny. 

In Austria itself the Grossdeutsch elements adopted a policy 
calculated to insure failure. They sponsored a little Kultur- 
kampf (religious war) of their own, attacking the clergy and 
the Church; they disassociated themselves from all social re- 
form and all concessions to other groups; and they were given 
to rabid attacks on the monarchy. As a consequence, the Ger- 
man group was more seriously divided than ever. These mis- 
takes all made, as is evident from the text of Mein Kampf , a 
deep and lasting impression upon Hitler. Just as he was dis- 
gusted with the wrangling about 'nationality' problems that 
characterized the Austrian parliament, so was he conscious of 
the mistakes which the pro- Prussia leaders had made. He 
never disassociated himself from the principles adopted by 
those leaders, but he learned to look askance at their methods. 

The extent of Austrian yearning for incorporation in the 


And yet the course of events was to take a different turn. 

For the first time in my life, I was barely eleven, I was 
forced into opposition. No matter how firm and deter- 
mined my father might be in carrying out his plans and 
intentions once made, his son was just as stubborn and 
obstinate in rejecting an idea which had little or no appeal 
for him. 

I did not want to become an official. 

Neither persuasion nor ' sincere ' arguments were able to 
break down this resistance. I did not want to become an 
official, no, and again no! All attempts to arouse my inter- 
est or my liking for such a career by stories of my father's 
life had the opposite effect. The thought of being a slave 
in an office made me ill ; not to be master of my own time, 
but to force an entire lifetime into the filling-in of forms, 
t What ideas this must have awakened in a boy who was 
anything but ' good ' in the ordinary sense of the word ! The 
ridiculously easy learning at school left me so much spare 

German Empire or, after 1918, the German Republic, is a moot 
question. Prior to the War, anti-Prussian sentiment was 
probably just as vigorous among the people generally as pro- 
Habsburg sentiment. After the defeat there was a general 
feeling that the little independent State of Austria could not 
survive. Even so it is very doubtful whether the demand for 
Anschluss was as 'elemental 1 as Hitler says it was. Some 
Austrians notably Professor Ludo Hartmann sponsored 
it with vigor and eloquence. A few unofficial plebiscites were 
held in Salzburg and elsewhere and seemed to show that senti- 
ment was overwhelmingly in favor of Anschluss; but individu- 
ally and collectively they have little value as evidence. Other 
sources of information (e.g., records of party deliberations) give 
a different impression. Undoubtedly the desire for union grew 
during the following years, but it is none the less doubtful 
whether an honest plebiscite in 1938 would have favored ab- 
sorption of Austria into the Third Reich. 


time that the sun saw more of me than the four walls of my 
room. When today my political opponents examine my life 
down to the time of my childhood with loving attention, so 
that at last they can point with relief to the intolerable 
pranks this 'Hitler 1 carried out even in his youth, I thank 
Heaven for now giving me a share of the memories of those 
happy days. Woods and meadows were the battlefield 
where the ever-present 'conflicts' were fought out. 

My attendance at the Realschule, which now followed, 
did little to deter me. 

But now it was a different conflict that had to be fought. 

This was bearable as long as my father's intention to 
make an official of me was confronted by nothing more than 
my dislike of the profession on general principles. I could 
restrain my private views and, after all, it was not always 
necessary for me to contradict. My own firm intention not 
to become an official was sufficient to set my mind at rest. 
This decision, however, was irrevocable. The question be- 
came more difficult as soon as my father's plan was met by 
one of my own. This took place when I was twelve years 
old. I do not know how it happened, but one day it was 
clear to me that I would become a painter, an artist. My 
talent for drawing was obvious and it was one of the reasons 
why my father had sent me to the Realschule, but he never 
would have thought of having me trained for such a career. 
On the contrary. When, after a renewed rejection of my 
father's favorite idea, I was asked for the first time what I 
intended to be after all, I unexpectedly burst forth with the 
resolve I had irrevocably made; in the meantime my father 
at first was speechless. 

'A painter? An artist?' 

He doubted my sanity, he did not trust his own ears or 
thought that he had misunderstood. But when it had been 
explained to him and when he had sensed the sincerity of 
my intentions, he opposed me with the resoluteness of his 


entire nature. His decision was quite simple, and any con- 
sideration of those actual talents that I might have pos- 
sessed was out of the question. 

'An artist, no, never as long as I live/ But as his son had 
undoubtedly inherited, amongst other qualities, a stubborn- 
ness similar to his own, he received a similar reply. Only 
its meaning was quite different. 

So the situation remained on both sides. My father did not 
give up his 'never* and I strengthened my 'nevertheless/ 

Obviously the consequences were not very enjoyable. 
The old man became embittered, and, much as I loved him, 
the same was true of myself. My father forbade me to 
entertain any hope of ever becoming a painter. I went one 
step farther by declaring that under these circumstances 
I no longer wished to study. Naturally, as the result of such 
'declarations' I got the 'worst of it,' and now the old man 
relentlessly began to enforce his authority. I remained 
silent and turned my threats into action. I was certain 
that, as soon as my father saw my lack of progress in 
school, come what may he would let me seek the happiness 
of which I was dreaming. 

I do not know if this reasoning was sound. One thing 
was certain : my apparent failure in school. I learned what 
I liked, but above all I learned what in my opinion might 
be necessary to me in my future career as a painter. In this 
connection I sabotaged all that which seemed unimportant 
or that which no longer attracted me. At that time my 
marks were always extreme depending upon the subject and 
my evaluation of it. ' Praiseworthy ' and ' Excellent ' ranked 
with 'Sufficient' and ' Insufficient. 1 My best efforts were in 
geography and perhaps even more so in history. These 
were my two favorite subjects and in them I led my class.-* 

Now, after so many years, when I examine the results of 
that period, I find two outstanding facts of particular im- 


First, / became a nationalist. 

Second, / learned lo grasp and to understand the meaning 
of history. 

Old Austria was a 'State of nationalities. 9 
t A citizen of the German Empire, at that time at least, 
could hardly understand the bearing of this fact upon the 
daily life of the individual in such a State. After the amaz- 
ingly victorious campaign of the heroic German armies 
during the Franco- Prussian War, one had become more and 
more estranged from the Germans abroad, partly because 
one no longer knew how to appreciate them or perhaps 
because one was unable to do so. As far as the Austro 
German was concerned, it was easy to confuse the decadent 
dynasty with a people who were sound at heart. 

It was hard to understand that, were the German in 
Austria not actually of the best stock, he never would have 
been able to impress his mark upon a State of fifty-two mil- 
lion people in such a manner as to create even in Germany 
the erroneous impression that Austria was a German State. 
This was nonsensical, with the gravest of consequences, but 
brilliant testimony for the ten million Germans in the Ost- 
mark. Only a very few Germans in the empire had any 
idea of the continuous and inexorable struggle waged for 
the German language, the German schools, and the German 
mode of existence. Only today, when this misery has been 
forced upon millions of our people outside of the Reich 
proper, who, under foreign domination, dream of a common 
fatherland and in their longing for it strive to preserve their 
most sacred claim their mother tongue only today 
wider circles understand what it means to fight for one's 
nationality. It is now perhaps that the one or the other will 
be able to realize the greatness of the Germans abroad in 
the old East of the Reich who at first, dependent upon them- 
selves, for centuries protected the Reich in the East, and 
at last guarded the German language frontier in a war of 


attrition at a time when the Reich was greatly interested in 
colonies but not in its own flesh and blood outside its very 

As everywhere and always, as in every struggle, there 
were also in the language struggle of the old Austria three 

The fighters, the lukewarm, and the traitors. 

Even in school this segregation was apparent. It is sig- 
nificant for the language struggle on the whole that its ways 
engulf the school, the seed bed of the coming generation. 
The child is the objective of the struggle and the very first 
appeal is addressed to it: 

'German boy, do not forget that you are a German.' 

'German maid, remember that you are to be a German 
mother/ + 

Those who know the soul of youth will understand that 
it is youth which lends its ears to such a battle-cry with the 
greatest joy. In hundreds of forms, in its own way and 
with its own weapons, it carried on the battle. It refuses to 
sing non-German songs; the more one tries to estrange it 
from German heroic grandeur, the more enthusiastic it 
waxes; it stints itself to collect pennies for the fund of the 
grown-ups; it has an unusually fine ear for all that the non- 
German teacher says to it; it is rebellious; it wears the for- 
bidden emblem of its own nationality and rejoices in being 
punished or even in being beaten for wearing that emblem. 
On a smaller scale youth is a true reflection of its elders, but 
more often with a deeper and a more honest conviction. 

At a comparatively early age I, too, was given the oppor- 
tunity to participate in the national struggle of old Austria. 
Money was collected for the Sildmark and the school club; 
our conviction was demonstrated by the wearing of corn- 
flowers and the colors black, red, and gold; the greeting was 
1 Heil ' ; ' Deutschland iiber alles f was preferred to the imperial 
anthem, despite warnings and punishments. In this man- 


ner the boy was trained politically at an age when a member 
of a so-called national State knows little more of his nation- 
ality than its language. It is obvious that already then I 
did not belong to the lukewarm. In a short time I had be- 
come a fanatical 'German nationalist/ a term which is not 
identical with our same party name of today. 

My development was quite rapid, so that at the age of 
fifteen I already understood the difference between dynastic 
'patriotism* and popular 'nationalism'; at that time the 
latter alone existed for me. 

Those who have never taken the trouble to study closely 
the internal situation of the Habsburg monarchy may not 
be able to understand the full meaning of these events. In 
this State the origin for this development was to be found 
in the lessons in world history taught in the schools, since 
there is practically no specific Austrian history as such. 

The conservative cabinet headed (1879-1893) by Taafe at- 
tempted to solve the problems of the Empire by winning the 
support of the Slavic groups. In 1895-1897 Count Casimir 
Badeni sponsored legislation favoring the Czechs in linguistic 
and cultural matters; and violent opposition to these measures 
was aroused among the nationalistic Germans. The Deuischer 
Schulverein (German School Society), an organization founded 
in 1880 to promote German schools in foreign countries, was a 
center of resistance particularly in Carinthia, where the Slavs 
were looked upon as especially menacing. The corn-flower was 
a patriotic symbol in Wilhelmian days. Deutschland, DeiUsth- 
land uber alles, a lyric written by Fallersleben in 1841, was 
sung by the nationalistic groups in Austria to the tune written 
by Hayden for the Imperial hymn. Singing it was, therefore, 
an insult to the Habsburgs. The 'HeiF an old German form 
of greeting was used by Austrian nationalists instead of tfie 
native forms (e.g., Griiss Gotf), and had an anti-Semitic under- 
tone. It required little manipulation to transform all these 
things into the Nazi practices now current. 


The fate of this State is so closely bound up with the life 
and growth of the entire German nationality that it is 
unthinkable to separate its history into German and 
Austrian. As a matter of fact when Germany began to 
split into two supreme powers, this very separation became 
German history. 

The imperial crown jewels kept in Vienna, reminders of 
the old realm splendor, still seem to exercise a magic spell, 
a pledge of eternal communion. 

The German-Austrian's elementary outcry for a reunion 
with the German motherland during the days of the break- 
down of the Habsburg State was merely the result of a 
feeling of nostalgia slumbering deep in the hearts of the 
entire nation for a return to the paternal home which had 
never been forgotten. This would be inexplicable had not 
the political education of each individual German-Austrian 
been the origin of that common longing. In it there lies a 
longing which contains a well that never dries, especially 
in time of forgetfulness and of temporary well-being it 
will again and again forecast the future in recalling the 

Even today, courses in world history in the so-called 
secondary schools are still badly neglected. Few teachers 
realize that the aim of history lessons should not consist in 
the memorizing and rattling forth of historical facts and 
data; that it does not matter whether a boy knows when 
this or that battle was fought, when a certain military 
leader was born, or when some monarch (in most cases a 
very mediocre one) was crowned with the crown of his an- 
cestors. Good God, these things do not matter. 

To 'learn' history means to search for and to find the 
forces which cause those effects which we later face as 
historical events. 

Here, too, the art of reading, like that of learning, is to 
remember the important, to forget the unimportant. 


It was perhaps decisive for my entire future life that I 
was fortunate enough to have a history teacher who was 
one of the few who understood how essential it was to make 
this the dominating factor in his lessons and examinations. 
At the Realschule in Linz my teacher was Professor Doctor 
Ludwig Poetsch, who personified this requisite in an ideal 
way. The old gentleman, whose manner was as kind as 
it was firm, not only knew how to keep us spellbound, but 
actually carried us away with the splendor of his eloquence. 
I am still slightly moved when I remember the gray-haired 
man whose fiery descriptions made us forget the present 
and who evoked plain historical facts out of the fog of the 
centuries and turned them into living reality. Often we 
would sit there enraptured in enthusiasm and there were 
even times when we were on the verge of tears. 

Our happiness was the greater inasmuch as this teacher 
not only knew how to throw light on the past by utilizing 
the present, but also how to draw conclusions from the past 
and applying them to the present. More than anyone else 
he showed understanding for all the daily problems which 
held us breathless at the time. He used our youthful na- 

The educational ideas here expressed are in part the common 
property of all who have gone to school and in part the legacy 
of Turnvater Jahn, the founder of the Turnvereine, or gymnas- 
tic societies, whose Deutsches Volkstum (German Folkishness) 
appeared in 1810, and whose part in rallying Prussian youth 
against Napoleon was a most estimable one. When Hitler 
speaks of the girl who ought to remember that her duty is to 
become a German mother, or of history as the science which 
demonstrates that one's own people is always right, he is 
echoing Jahn in the first instance. The best discussion in Eng- 
lish of this interesting pedagogue is still an essay which appeared 
in the London Magazine during 1820, when these new Prussian 
ideas of education seemed important but strange to English- 


tional fanaticism as a means of education by repeatedly 
appealing to our sense of national honor, and through this 
alone he was able to manage us rascals more easily than 
would have been possible by any other means. 

He was the teacher who made history my favorite sub- 

Nevertheless, although it was entirely unintentional on 
his part, I already then became a young revolutionary. 

Who could possibly study German history with such a 
teacher and not become an enemy of the State which, 
through its ruling dynasty, so disastrously influenced the 
state of the nation? 

And who could keep faith with an imperial dynasty which 
betrayed the cause of the German people for its own ig- 
nominious ends, a betrayal that occurred again and again 
in the past and in the present? 

Boys though we were, did we not already realize that this 
Austrian State did not and could not harbor love for us 

Our historical knowledge of the influence of the House 
of Habsburg was supported by daily experiences. In the 
North and the South the poison of foreign nationalities 

This is probably one of the most revealing passages in the 
book. Hitler has consistently considered himself a 'Revolu- 
tionary,' but has added little to the interpretation of the term 
given here. The longing to change the structure of society de- 
veloped, in his case, not out of the consciousness of real or fan- 
cied social and economic injustices, but out of the feeling that 
the Ruling House did not adequately support the demands of 
the German groups. After the War he took an identical point 
of view in Germany itself, laying siege to the Weimar Republic 
because its policy of international conciliation seemed to him a 
duplicate of the policy of making concessions to Slavic groups 
which Habsburg governments had sponsored. Cf . Adolf Hitter, 
by Theodor Heuss (1932). 


eroded the body of our own nationality, and it was apparent 
how even Vienna became less and less a German city. The 
Royal House became Czech wherever possible, and it must 
have been the hand of the goddess of eternal justice and 
inexorable retribution which caused Archduke Franz 
Ferdinand, the most deadly enemy of Austrian-Germanism, 
to fall by the very bullets he himself had helped to mold. 
For was he not the patron of Austria's Slavization from 
above ! 

The burdens which the German people had to bear were 
enormous, its sacrifices in taxes and blood unheard of, and 
yet, everyone who had eyes to see realized that all this 
would IDC in vain. What grieved us most was the fact that 
the whole system was morally protected by the alliance with 
Germany, and thus Germany herself, in a fashion, sanc- 
tioned the slow extermination of the German nationality 
in the old monarchy. The hypocrisy of the Habsburgs, who 
knew well how to create the impression abroad that Austria 
was still a German State, fanned the hatred against this 
house into flaming indignation and contempt. 

It was only in the Reich itself that the 'chosen ones' saw 
nothing of all this. As if stricken with blindness, they 
walked by the side of the corpse, and in the indications of 
decomposition they thought they detected signs of 'new' 

The tragic alliance between the young Reich and the old 
Austrian sham State was the source of the ensuing World 
War and of the general collapse as well. 

In the course of this book I shall find it necessary to deal 
further with this problem. It suffices to state here that from 
my earliest youth I came to a conviction which never de- 
serted me, but on the contrary, grew stronger and stronger: 

That the protection of the German race presumed the destruc- 
tion of Austria, and further, that national feeling is in no way 
identical with dynastic patriotism; that above all else, the 


Royal House of Habsburg was destined to bring misfortune 
upon the German nation. 

Even then I had drawn the necessary deductions from 
this realization: an intense love for my native German- 

The picture Hitler draws of his early youth is, therefore, one 
of idle years spent fighting off formal education under the pre- 
text that he wanted to become an artist. That he has ever 
since considered himself brilliantly gifted as a painter and archi- 
tect is indubitable. The flags, uniforms and insignia of the 
Party were designed by him. The 'senate chamber* and study 
in the Brown House, Munich, are proudly displayed as exam- 
ples of the Fuhrcr's (Leader's) work. In the first, which is 
primarily a study in red leather, the swastika serves as an al- 
lusion to the SPQR of ancient Rome. Later on his views were 
influenced by his Bavarian environment, more particularly it 
would seem by the art theories of Schulze-Naumburg, who in 
the Thuringia of 1930 led the attack on modernistic art and 

During 1937 Munich was stirred by an exposition of 'De- 
generate Art,' which gathered from the museums pictures ad- 
judged not to be in the strict Aryan tradition. Meanwhile 
there had been erected in the same city a Kunsthalle adorned 
with a row of simple classical pillars; and this structure is 
generally accepted as embodying Hitler's ideal of what a build- 
ing ought to be. The example of Mussolini also had its effect. 
In order to provide a suitable approach to the Kunsthalle, one 
of King Ludwig's ancient streets was torn down and widened. 
Down this avenue, festooned with countless flags and abundant 
drapery, II Duce proceeded upon the occasion of his historic 
trip to Munich in 1937. 

More recently the new Chancellery in Berlin has been com- 
pleted. A skyscraper, taller than any in New York, was pro- 
jected for Hamburg. Hitler is also known to have devised 
models of a Vienna and Berlin reconstructed according to his 
ideas of what a city ought to be. Enormous sums have already 
been diverted into building operations. 


Austrian country and a bitter hatred against the 'Austrian* 

The art of historical thinking, which had been taught me 
in school, has never left me since. More and more, world 
history became a never-failing source of my understanding 
of the historical events of the present, that is, politics. What 
is more, I do not want to ' learn ' it, but I want it to teach 

Since I had become a political 'revolutionary' at so early 
a stage, it was not much later that I became an 'artistic' 

At that time the capital of Upper Austria had a theater of 
fairly high standing. Almost everything was performed 
there. At the age of twelve I saw 'Wilhelm Tell' for the 
first time, and a few months later, I saw the first opera of 
my life, 4 Lohengrin.' I was captivated at once. My youth- 
ful enthusiasm for the master of Bayreuth knew no bounds. 
Again and again I was drawn to his works and today I con- 
sider it particularly fortunate that the modesty of that 
provincial performance reserved for me the opportunity of 
seeing increasingly better productions. 

All this served to confirm my deep-rooted aversion for 
the career my father had chosen for me, especially after I 
had left childhood behind and approached manhood a 
painful experience. I was more definitely convinced that I 
could never be happy as an official. And now that my talent 
for drawing had also been recognized in school, my resolve 
was even more firmly established. 

Neither pleas nor threats could influence me. 

I wanted to become a painter, and no power on earth 
could ever make an official of me. 

But it was strange that as the years passed, I demon- 
strated more and more interest in architecture. At that 


time I took it for granted that this was merely an augmen- 
tation of my talent for painting and secretly I was delighted 
at this widening of my artistic horizon. 

I had no idea that things were to turn out so differently. 

The question of my career was to be settled more quickly 
than I had anticipated. 

When I was thirteen my father died quite suddenly. The 
old gentleman, who had always been so robust and healthy, 
had a stroke which painlessly ended his wanderings in this 
world, plunging us all in the depths of despair. His dearest 
wish, to help his son to build up his existence, thus safe- 
guarding him against the pitfalls of his own bitter experi- 
ence, had apparently not been fulfilled. But unconsciously 
he had sown the seed for a future which neither he nor I 
would have grasped at that time. 

At first nothing changed in my daily life. 

My mother probably felt the obligation to continue my 
education in accordance with my father's wishes, in other 
words, to have me continue my studies for the career of an 
official. But I was determined more than ever not to be- 
come an official. My attitude became more and more in- 
different in the same measure that the subjects and the 
education which school afforded me deviated from my own 
ideal. Suddenly an illness came to my aid, and in the course 
of a few weeks, settled the perpetual arguments at home 
and, with them, my future. Because of a severe pulmonary 
illness, the doctor strongly advised my mother not to place 
me in an office later on under any circumstances. I was 
also to give up school for at least one year. With this event, 
all that I had fought for, all that I had longed for in secret, 
suddenly became reality. 

Impressed by my illness, my mother agreed at long last 
to take me out of school and to send me to the Akademie. 


These were my happiest days; they seemed like a dream 
to me, and so they were. Two years later my mother's 
death put a sudden end to all these delightful plans. 

It was the end of a long and painful illness that had 
seemed fatal from the very beginning. Nevertheless it was 
a terrible shock to me. I had respected my father, but I 
loved my mother. 

Necessity and stern reality now forced me to make a 
quick decision. My mother's severe illness had almost ex- 
hausted the meager funds left by my father; the orphan's 
pension which I received was not nearly enough for me to 
live on, and so I was faced with the problem of earning my 
own daily bread. 

I went to Vienna with a suitcase, containing some clothes 
and my linen, in my hand and an unshakable determination 
in my heart. I, too, hoped to wrest from Fate the success my 
father had met fifty years earlier; I, too, wanted to become 
'something' but in no event an official. 



t% ^W^ JTHEN my mother died, Fate had cast the die in 
\J\X one direction at least. 

T T During the last months of her suffering, I had 
gone to Vienna to take my entrance examination to the 
Akademic. I had set out with a lot of drawings, convinced 
that I would pass the examination with ease. At the Real- 
schulc I had been by far the best artist in my class; and 
since then my ability had improved greatly, so that my self- 
satisfaction made me hope both proudly and happily for 
the best. 

There was but one cloud which occasionally made its ap- 
pearance; my talent for painting sometimes seemed to over- 
shadow my ability for drawing, especially in nearly all of 
the branches of architecture. Also my interest in the art 
of building as a whole grew steadily. This was stimulated, 
when I was not quite sixteen, by the fact that I was allowed 
for the first time to spend a two weeks' vacation in Vienna. 
I went there especially to study the picture gallery of the 
Hofmuseum, but I had eyes for nothing but the buildings 
of the museum itself. All day long, from early morn until 
late at night, I ran from one sight to the next, for what at- 
tracted me most of all were the buildings. For hours on end 


I would stand in front of the opera or admire the Parliament 
Building; the entire Ringstrasse affected me like a fairy tale 
out of the Arabian Nights. 

And now I was in this beautiful city for the second time, 
burning with impatience; I waited with pride and confi- 
dence to learn the result of my entrance examination. I was 
so convinced of my success that the announcement of my 
failure came like a bolt from the blue. And yet it was true. 
When I had obtained an interview with the director and 
asked him to explain why I had not been admitted to the 
general painting school at the Akademie, he assured me that 
the drawings I had submitted clearly showed my lack of 
painting ability, but that my talents obviously lay in the 
field of architecture; it was the school of architecture and 
not the school of painting where I belonged. They could 
not understand why I had not attended a school for archi- 
tecture or why I had not been given any instruction in this art. 

Downcast, I left von Hansen's magnificent building on 
the Schillerplatz, dissatisfied with myself for the first time 
in my life. What I had been told about my ability was like 
a bright flash of lightning which seemed to illuminate a dis- 
sonance from which I had long suffered, but as yet I had not 
been able to give myself a clear account of its wherefore and 

A few days later I, too, knew that I would become an 

However, the way was to be an extremely difficult one, 
for all that which I had stubbornly neglected at the Real- 
schule was to take its vengeance now. The admission to the 
school of architecture of the Akademie was dependent on 
attendance at the Polytechnic's building school, and admis- 
sion to this was only possible after having received a certifi- 
cate of maturity at a secondary school. I was without all 
this. In all human probability it seemed as though the 
realization of my artist dreams was no longer possible. 


When, after my mother's death, I went to Vienna for 
the third time and this time to remain there for many years, 
I had in the meantime regained my peace and my confi- 
dence. My former obstinacy had returned and my goal was 
finally fixed before my eyes. I wanted to become an archi- 
tect, and one should not submit to obstacles but overcome 
them. And I would overcome these obstacles, always bear- 
ing in mind my father's example, who, from being a poor 
village boy and a cobbler's apprentice, had made his way 
up to the position of civil servant. Now I was on surer 
ground and the chances for the struggle were better; what I 
then looked upon as the cruelty of Fate, I praise today as 
the wisdom of Providence. When the Goddess of Misery 
took me into her arms more than once and threatened to 

Hitler's mother died on December 21, 1908, leaving him vir- 
tually penniless. He left Vienna again in the spring of 1912. 
During the period intervening, he lived generally in the Refuge 
for Men, in Vienna-Brigittenau, Information concerning his 
activities has been supplied by various people who then knew 
him, primarily Rudolf Hanisch, a designer, whose memoirs have 
been evaluated by Heiden. It is often difficult to determine 
whether these traditions are historically accurate, since the 
Hitler of Vienna days was a bit of human flotsam who in addi- 
tion kept pretty much to himself. But we know that he slept 
in a ward with other derelicts, that he was fed at the gate of 
the monastery in the Gumpendorferstrasse; that in winter he 
earned an occasional schilling with a snow shovel; and that he 
drew little water-colors and sketches whicii Hanisch peddled 
around at the humbler art shops. It has been proved that at 
the time he had Jewish acquaintances and a number of Jewish 
friends. More important, however, is the fact that he spent 
much time in the cafes, reading the newspapers constantly 
available there. He was never, then, a 'house painter, 1 but 
remained a young man with a poor scholastic record who had 
time to read political journalism. 


crush me, the will to resist grew and was finally victorious. 
I owe much to the time in which I had learned to become 
hard and also that I know now how to be hard. I praise it 
even more for having rescued me from the emptiness of an 
easy life, that it took the milksop out of his downy nest and 
gave him Dame Sorrow for a foster mother, that it threw 
him out into the world of misery and poverty, tnus making 
him acquainted with those for whom he was later to fight. 

During this time my eyes were to be opened to two dan- 
gers which hitherto I had barely known by name ; but I did 
not perceive their terrible bearing upon the existence of the 
German race to its fullest extent. 

Vienna, the city that to so many represents the idea of 
harmless gaiety, the festive place for merry-making, is to 
me only the living memory of the most miserable time of 
my life. 

Even today it can waken only depressing thoughts in my 
mind. The name of this Phaeacian city means five years of 
sorrow and misery. Five years in which I had to make my 
living, first as a worker, then as a painter; a truly scanty 
living, for it was barely enough to appease even my daily 
hunger. Hunger was then my faithful guard; he was the 
only friend who never left me, who shared everything with 
me honestly. Every book I bought aroused his sympathy; 
a visit to the opera made him my companion for days; it 
was a constant struggle with a pitiless friend. And yet, dur- 
ing this time, I learned as I had never learned before. Apart 
from my interest in architecture and my visits to the opera 
for which I had to stint myself, books were my only pleasure. 

At that time I read endlessly, but thoroughly. The spare 
time my work left to me I spent entirely in study. So in a 
few years I built a foundation of knowledge from which I 
still draw nourishment today. 


But much more than that. 

At that time I formed an image of the world and a vie* 
of life which became the granite foundation for my actions. 
I have had to add but little to that which I had learned then 
and I have had to change nothing. 

On the contrary. 

Today it is my firm belief that in general all creative 
ideas appear in youth, provided they are present at all. 
Here I distinguish between the wisdom of old age, which, 
as the result of the experiences of a long life, is of value only 
in the form of a greater thoroughness and carefulness as 
contrasted with the genius of youth whose inexhaustible 
fertility pours forth thoughts and ideas without being able 
to digest them because of their abundance. Youth fur- 
nishes the building material and the plans for the future; 
maturity takes and cuts the stones and constructs the build- 
ing, provided the so-called wisdom of old age has not suf- 
focated the genius of youth. 

The life I had known in my father's house showed little 
or no difference from that of other people. I looked forward 
to each new day without a care and social problems were un- 
known to me. The surroundings of my childhood were the 
circles of the bourgeoisie, a world which had but very few 
connections with the working classes. Though at first sight 

Here Hitler describes very well the feeling which was later 
on to swell the ranks of the National-Socialist Party. 'The 
bourgeois and peasant middle classes still constitute forty-five 
per cent of the total population of Germany ,' wrote Guenter 
Keiser in June, 1931. 'Today they have a mass movement, the 
beginnings of a program, the nucleus of a leadership, a firm 
determination to have their way, a contagious activism, and 
a myth of the Third Reich. All these things are necessary 


it may seem absurd, yet the difference between these two, 
unfavored as they are by economic conditions, is greater 
than one realizes. The reason for that which one could al- 
most call 'hostility* is the fact that a social class, which has 
only recently worked its way up from the level of manual 
labor, fears to fall back into the old, but little esteemed, 
class, or at least fears being counted in with that class. In 
addition many remember with disgust the misery existing 
in the lower class; the frequent brutality of their daily social 
contacts; their own position in society, however small it 
may be, makes every contact with the state of life and 
culture, which they in turn have left behind, unbearable. 

This explains why members of the higher social class can 
frequently lower themselves to the humblest of their fellow 

outgrowths of historical development and cannot be disposed 
of with an allusion to " demagogues." These masses are neither 
pro- nor anti-capitalistic. They are opposed to certain especial 
aspects of high capitalism and to certain particular ways in 
which capitalism manifests itself. Before the War . . . the 
handicrafts prospered, retail merchants profited by reason of 
expanding markets, and the peasants were benefited by the 
rise in the standard of living. But today, inside the far narrower 
boundaries of the post- War economy, the expansionist impulse 
latent in capitalism is carrying that capitalism into the dis- 
tribution process. Department stores, branch concerns, ten- 
cent stores, direct sales by the manufacturer, etc., are now nor- 
mal. Technical progress is also making it possible to organize 
on a wholesale, capitalistic basis what until now have been 
typical handicraft industries, e.g., baking, butchering, tailor- 
ing, building. . . . Finally, the more bureaucratic the corpo- 
rative enterprise becomes, the more dependent does the status 
of its white-collar employee become. That is the economic 
fundament upon which National Socialism rests. The middle 
classes, the peasants, and the white-collar employees want the 
economic situation which existed in pre-War days: a healthy 


beings with less embarrassment than seems possible to the 

For an upstart is anyone who, through his own energy, 
works his way up from his previous social position to a 
higher one. 

Finally, this relentless struggle kills all pity. One's own 
painful scramble for existence suffocates the feeling of sym- 
pathy for the misery of those left behind. 

In this respect Fate took pity on me. By forcing me back 
into this world of poverty and uncertainty, a world from 
which my father had emerged in the course of his own life, 
the blinders which a narrow bourgeois education had given 
me were cast off. It was only now that I learned to know 
man; I learned to distinguish between sham or the brutal 
appearance of human lives and their inner being. * 

At the turn of the century Vienna was already a city with 
unfavorable social conditions. 

Glamorous wealth and repulsive poverty were mixed in 
sharp contrast. In the heart of the city and in the inner dis- 
tricts, one could well feel the pulse of a realm of fifty-two 
million people, for all its doubtful charm, as a State of na- 
tionalities. Like a magnet, the Court with all its brilliant 

balance between big and little industry, and between agricul- 
ture and industry as a whole. Therefore they are against "High 
Capitalism" and "Marxism" alike. The second is held to en- 
courage competition through fostering the development of 
co-operatives, and accused, beyond that, of having helped the 
worker to climb the social ladder faster than the other classes 
an insupportable fact.' (Cf. Neue Blaetter fuer den Sozial- 
ismus, Vol. II, nr. 6.) The list of Nazis who fell during the 
putsch of 1923 is a striking demonstration of all this. It in- 
cludes intellectuals, white-collar employees, students and arti- 
sans, but no workers. And, of course, no 'capitalists.' 


splendor attracted the wealth and intelligence from the rest 
of the State. To this was added the strong centralizing 
policy of the Habsburg monarchy in itself. 

This offered the only possibility of keeping this porridge 
of nations together. The result, however, was a concentra- 
tion of the higher and highest authorities in the capital and 
Court city. 

But Vienna was not only politically and intellectually, 
but also economically, the center of the old Danubian mon- 
archy. The host of high officers, civil servants, artists and 
savants was confronted by a still greater number of workers; 
the wealth of aristocracy and commerce was contrasted with 
a dismal poverty. Thousands of unemployed loitered about 
in front of the palaces in the Ringstrasse, and below that 
via triumphalis of the old Austria, in the twilight and the 
mud of the canals, the homeless sought shelter. 

There was hardly any other German city where social 
questions could have been studied better than in Vienna. 
But we must not deceive ourselves. This * study ' cannot be 
carried out from above. Those who have never felt the grip 
of this murderous viper will never know its poisonous fangs. 
On the other hand, the result is nothing but a superficial 
babbling or hypocritical sentimentality. Both are equally 
evil. The first, because it never penetrates into the nucleus 
of the problem; the second, because it passes it by. I do not 
know which is worse: the ignoring of the social misery by 
the majority of the fortunate, or by those who have risen 
through their own efforts, as we see it daily, or the graciously 
patronizing attitudes of a certain part of the fashionable 
world (both in skirts and trousers) whose 4 sympathy for the 
people 1 is at times as haughty as it is obtrusive and tactless. 
These people do more harm than their brains, lacking in all 
instinct, are capable of imagining. Therefore they are as- 
tonished to find that the response to their helpful social 
'disposition' is always nil and frequently causes indignation 


and antagonism ; this, of course, is taken to prove the peo- 
ple's ingratitude. 

These minds fail to see that social work has nothing to do 
with this: that above all it must not expect gratitude, since it 
should not deal out favors but restore rights. 

I was prevented from learning the social question in this 
fashion. Because I was drawn into the confines of its suffer- 
ing, it seemed to invite me not to 4 learn/ but rather to use 
me for experimentation. It was none of its doing that the 
guinea pig recovered from the operation. 

t If I were to try now to describe chronologically my vari- 
ous stages of feeling, I could never fully accomplish it; I 
wish to present only those impressions which seemed most 
important and frequently those most moving for me, to- 
gether with the few lessons they had given me then. 

In general, I did not find it very difficult to secure work, 
because I was not a skilled laborer, but only a handy man, 
and I had to earn my living by doing occasional work. 

I had the point of view of all those who wish to shake 
Europe's dust from their feet with the firm resolve to create 
a new existence in the new world, to conquer a new home- 
land. Severed from all the paralyzing conceptions of class 
and profession, of surrounding and tradition, they seize any 
opportunity which is offered, take any kind of work, and 
gradually they come to realize that honest work is no dis- 
grace no matter what it may be. So I, too, had resolved to 
jump with both feet into the new world and to fight my 
way through. 

I soon learned that there is always work to be found and 
that it is lost just as easily. 


The uncertainty of earning one's daily bread seemed to 
me to be the darkest side of my new life. 

Of course the 'skilled' worker is not dismissed quite so 
frequently as the unskilled; but even he is not completely 
protected against such a fate. Instead of losing his income 
because of a shortage of work, he is confronted with a lock- 
out or a strike of his own choosing. 

Here the uncertainty of the daily income takes its most 
bitter revenge on the whole of economic life. 

The farmer's boy who comes to town, attracted by easier 
work, be it real or imaginary, by the shorter working hours, 
but most of all by the dazzling bright lights which the city 
sheds forth, is still accustomed to a certain security of in- 
come. He usually only gives up his job if there is at least 
another in sight. Finally, the shortage of farm hands is 
great and therefore the probability of long periods of un- 
employment is very slight. It is a mistake to assume that 
the young people who come to town are of inferior material 
to those who continue making their living by cultivating the 
soil. No, on the contrary: experience teaches that all migra- 
tory individuals consist of energetic and healthy elements 
rather than the reverse. But among those * immigrants' 
one counts not only the American immigrant, but also the 
young farmer boy who makes up his mind to leave his na- 
tive village to come to town. He, too, is ready to chance an 
uncertain destiny. Frequently he brings a little money 
with him to the big city so that he need not despair the very 
first day if he has had no luck in finding work for a pro- 
longed period of time. But the situation is more difficult 
when shortly thereafter he has to give up the job that he 
found. It is especially hard in winter, if not almost impossi- 
ble, to find a new home. The first few weeks may go well 
enough. He draws relief from the treasury of his union and 
he manages as best he can. But once he has spent his last 
cent and in consequence of his long period of unemployment 


the treasury suspends its relief payments, then the distress 
becomes great. Now he loiters about hungrily, he pawns or 
sells the last of his belongings, his clothes get shabbier day 
by day, and he sinks into surroundings which, apart from 
the material misery he experiences, also poison his spirit. 
If then he becomes homeless, and if this happens (as is often 
the case) in winter, then his misery becomes acute. Finally 
he finds work of some kind. But the game repeats itself. 
He is hit the same way a second time, a third time perhaps 
more severely, so that by and by he learns to endure the un- 
certainty of life with indifference. Finally the repetition be- 
comes a habit. 

Thus the entire concept of life of a fellow who is other- 
wise industrious is demoralized and he is gradually trans- 
formed into a tool for those who use him for their own ends. 
He has been out of work so many times through no fault of 
his own that one time more or less no longer matters; it 
may be no longer a question of fighting for economic rights, 
but the destruction of political, social, or cultural values in 
general. Though he may not like strikes, he is probably in- 
different to them. 

I was able to observe this process with my own eyes in 
thousands of cases. The longer I observed the game, the 
more my aversion grew against the metropolis which so 
greedily sucked the people in only to destroy them. 

When they arrived, they still belonged to their people; 
if they remained, they were lost to them. 

I had been knocked about by my life in the metropolis in 
a similar manner and I was able to test the effect of such a 
fate on my own person and to experience it spiritually. I 
saw one thing more there: the rapid change from working 
to unemployment and vice versa; the repeated changes in 
income and expenditure destroyed in many people the de- 
sire for saving and the realization of a balanced mode of 
living. The body apparently becomes accustomed to good 


living in times of plenty and to going hungry in times of 
need. Even in times of better income, hunger often over- 
throws every resolve for a future balanced distribution, for, 
like a perpetual mirage, hunger conjures up before the eyes 
of its victim visions of a life of abundance and embellishes 
his dream until such a state of longing is achieved that it 
puts an end to all self-denial once earnings and income per- 
mit it. This is the reason why a laborer, as soon as he has 
found work, forgets to budget intelligently and becomes a 
spendthrift instead. This even leads to discarding the small 
household budget, because even here wise distribution is 
neglected; in the beginning there may be enough for five 
days out of seven, later only for three, finally hardly enough 
for one day, and at last the money is spent on the very first 

At home there are often wife and children. Sometimes 
they are drawn into this sort of life, especially if the man 
treats them well on the whole and loves them after a fashion. 
Then the weekly salary is spent jointly at home during the 
first two or three days; they eat and drink as long as there 
is some money left, and the remaining days of the week are 
spent in hunger. Then the wife sneaks away into the neigh- 
borhood and the surroundings, borrowing a little, making 
small debts at the grocer's so that the remaining lean days 
can be endured. At noon they are all gathered around 
meager dishes and sometimes there is nothing at all, and 
they await the next payday, talk of it and make plains, and 
while they are hungry, they already dream of the good 
fortune to come. 

So, from their earliest days, the young children become 
familiar with misery. 

But things end badly indeed when the man from the very 
start goes his own way and the wife, for the sake of her 
children, stands up against him. Quarreling and nagging 
set in, and in the same measure in which the husband be- 


comes estranged from his wife, he becomes familiar with 
alcohol. Now he is drunk every Saturday, and in her in- 
stinct of self-preservation for herself and her children, the 
wife fights for the few pennies which she wangles from him, 
and frequently her sole opportunity is on his way from the 
factory to the saloon. When he finally comes home on Sun- 
day or Monday night, drunk and brutal, but always with- 
out a last cent and penny, then God have mercy on the 
scenes which follow. 

I witnessed all of this personally in hundreds of scenes 
and at the beginning with both disgust and indignation; 
but later I began to grasp the tragic side and to understand 
the deeper reasons for their misery. Unfortunate victims 
of poor social conditions. 

Almost sadder were the housing conditions in those days. 
The housing distress of the Viennese unskilled workers was 
dreadful. Even now I shudder when I think of those piti- 
ful dens, the shelters and lodging houses, those sinister 
pictures of dirt and repugnant filth, and worse still. 

How would it be, and how will it be, when one day there 
pours forth the mass of unleashed slaves out of these mis- 
erable dens, overflowing the other so thoughtless fellow 
creatures and contemporaries! 

For this other world is thoughtless. 

Thoughtlessly it allows things to go as they will with- 
out foreseeing, in their lack of intuition, that sooner or 
later Fate will take its revenge if Fate is not reconciled in 

How grateful I am today to Providence which bade me 
go to this school ! There I could not sabotage what I dis- 
liked. It educated me quickly and thoroughly. 

If I were not to despair of the people of my surroundings, 
I had to learn to distinguish between their external ap- 
pearance and manners and the origins of their develop- 
ment. This was the only way possible to bear all this 


without despairing. What grew out of this unhappiness 
and misery, of this filth and external decay, were no longer 
human beings, but the deplorable results of deplorable 
laws; however, the pressure of my own hard and no less 
easy struggle for life prevented me from capitulating in 
miserable sentimentality before the final results of this 
process of development. 

No, it must not be interpreted like that. < 

I saw then that only a twofold way could lead to the 
goal for the improvement of these conditions: 

A deep feeling of social responsibility towards the estab- 
lishment of better foundations for our development, combined 
with the ruthless resolution to destroy the incurable social 

Just as Nature concentrates, not on safeguarding that 
which exists, but on breeding the coming generation as the 
representative of the species, so in human life it is less a 
question of artificially cultivating the existing evils which, 
human nature being what it is, would be ninety-nine per 
cent impossible, but rather to assure healthier paths for 
future development from the start. 

Already during my struggle for life in Vienna, it had 
become clear to me that : 

Social activity must never see its task in the sentimental 
conception of welfare work which is as ridiculous as it is 
futile, but rather in the abolition of those fundamental defects 
in the organization of our economic and cultural life which 
must lead to, or at least encourage, the degradation of the 

The difficulty of applying the most extreme and brutal 
means against the criminality endangering the State is to 
be found, above all, in the prevailing uncertainty concern- 
ing the inner motives or causes of the symptoms of our 

This uncertainty is only too deeply rooted in one's own 


feeling of being guilty of such tragedies of demoralization; 
it paralyzes every sincere and firm decision, thus adding 
to the wavering and half-heartedness with which even the 
most urgent measures of self-preservation are applied. 

Only when the time comes when a race is no longer over- 
shadowed by the consciousness of its own guilt, then it 
will find internal peace and external strength to cut down 
regardlessly and brutally the wild shoots, and to pull up 
the weeds. 

These pages indicate a possible debt to Karl Freiherr von 
Vogelsang, one of the founders of the Christian Social Move- 
ment in Austria, and one of the editors of the journal Vaterland. 
A conservative nobleman of Prussian ancestry, he had been 
received into the Catholic Church by Bishop Emanuel von 
Ketteler, the first German Catholic apostle of social reform, 
and had then migrated to Vienna. His group taught that the 
rights of all take precedence over the rights of the few (which 
Hitler phrases, Gemeinnutz geht vor Eigennutz), demanded leg- 
islation to protect the worker against exploitation (a precept 
developed later on by Franz Hitze and others in Germany into 
a code of labor protection laws), and sponsored a type of eco- 
nomic organization akin in some ways to the kind of 'corpo- 
rative society' endorsed in the Papal Encyclical, Quadragesima 
Anno (i.e., not the 'corporative state* of Italian Fascism). Of 
especial concern to Vogelsang were the moral consequences of 
the liberalistic economy intemperance, improvidence, etc. 
He also attacked the taking of interest and the grip on industry 
exercised by the 'money lenders/ (Cf. the biography of Vogel- 
sang by Wiard Klopp, Vienna, 1930.) A more modern and very 
much more radical statement of the same views can be found 
in Economia Perennis, by Anton Orel (Graz, 1928). It seems 
probable that Hitler saturated himself at one time with Vater- 
land editorials, which afford interesting parallels to what he 
writes here. But he subordinates the Vogelsang teaching to hifc 
own chauvinistic Pan-German outlook. 


Since the Austrian State hardly knew social justice and 
social laws, its weakness in fighting even the worst excres- 
cences was glaringly obvious. 

I do not know what shocked me more at that time: the 
economic distress of my erstwhile comrades, their ethical 
and moral crudity, or the low level of their spiritual de- 

Does not our bourgeoisie rise in moral indignation when 
it hears from the lips of some miserable tramp that he 
doesn't care whether he is German or not, that he feels at 
home anywhere, as long as he has enough to live on? 

This lack of 'national pride* is deeply deplored and the 
horror at such an attitude is expressed in strong terms. 

But how many people ask themselves the question, what 
in their own case was the reason for their own better way 
of thinking? 

How many are there who understand the numerous 
memories of the greatness of the fatherland, of the nation, 
in all fields of cultural and artistic endeavor which, when 
summoned up, justify their pride in being privileged to 
belong to such a blessed nation? 

How many know how dependent their pride in their 
country is upon their knowledge of its greatness in all these 

f Does our bourgeoisie realize to what a ridiculously small 
extent this assumption of pride in the fatherland is trans- 
mitted to the 'people'? 

We cannot excuse ourselves by saying ' it is not different 
in the other countries'; that 'in spite of this' the workers 
there stand up for their nationality. Even if this were so, 
it could not serve as the excuse of our own negligence. But 
it is not so. What we always term 'chauvinistic' education, 
that of the French nation, for example, is nothing but the 


stress upon France's greatness in all fields of culture or, 
as the French say, 'civilization.' The young Frenchman 
is not educated with an objective, but a subjective, point 
of view, which we can only understand as far as the politi- 
cal or cultural greatness of his country is concerned. 

This education should be limited to general and im- 
portant points of view, which, if necessary, should be im- 
pressed on the minds and feelings of the people by constant 

But to our negative sin of omission, we add the positive 
sin of destroying the little the individual is lucky enough 
to learn in school. The rats of the political poisoning of 
our nation gnaw away the little that is left in the hearts 
and the memories of the masses, if misery and distress have 
not already done so. 

Now let us imagine the following: 

In a basement apartment of two stuffy rooms lives a 
worker's family of seven people. Among the five children 
there is a boy, let us say, of three. This is the age at which 
a child becomes conscious of his first impressions. In 
many intelligent people, traces of these early memories 
are found even in old age. The smallness and the over- 
crowding of the rooms do not create favorable conditions. 
Quarreling and nagging often arise because of this. In such 
circumstances people do not live with one another, but on 
top of one another. Every argument, even the most un- 
important, which in a larger apartment would take care 
of itself for the reason that one could step aside, leads to 
a never-ending, disgusting quarrel. Among the children 
this does not usually matter; they often quarrel under such 
circumstances and forget completely and quickly. But 
when the parents fight almost daily, their brutality leaves 
nothing to the imagination; then the results of such visual 
education must slowly but inevitably become apparent in 
the little ones. Those who are not familiar with such con* 



ditions can hardly imagine the results, especially when the 
mutual differences express themselves in the form of brutal 
attacks on the part of the father towards the mother or to 
assaults due to drunkenness. The poor little boy, at the 
age of six, senses things which would make even a grown-up 
person shudder. Morally infected, undernourished, his poor 
little head covered with lice, the young 'citizen* wanders 
off to the elementary school. He may learn to read and to 
write only with the greatest difficulty, and nothing more. 
Learning at home is out of the question. On the contrary. 
In front of the children, father and mother often speak 
about school and the teachers in a manner one cannot pos- 
sibly repeat, and are inclined 
them ; instead of placing the 
spanking some sense into 
The other things the litt 
tend to further his r 
single good shred is left 
tution is left unattacked ; 
the head of the State, be 
be it the State or society, 
abused, everything is pulled 
into the filth of a depraved 
of fourteen, the young lad is dismissed from school, it is 
difficult to say which is worse: his unbelievable ignorance 
as far as knowledge and ability are concerned, or the biting 
impudence of his behavior, combined with an immorality 
which makes one's hair stand on end, considering his 

But what place in society will the young man for 
almost nothing is sacred to him ; having learned nothing of 
greatness, he but guesses and knows all the meanness of 
life now take when he enters into life? 

The three-year-old child has now become a youth of fif- 
teen who despises all authority. Familiar with nothing 

things about 
knee and 
do not 
Not a 
up to 
ing is 
at the age 


other than dirt and filth, the young fellow knows nothing 
that could rouse his enthusiasm for higher things. 

But now for the first time he enters the high school of 

Now the same mode of living, which he learned from 
his father during childhood, begins. Now he loiters about, 
and God only knows when he comes home; for a change 
he may even beat the poor creature who was once his 
mother, curses God and the world, and finally, for some 
reason or other, he is sentenced to a reformatory. 

There he receives the final polish. 

But his dear bourgeois fellow men are truly astonished 
at the lack of 'national' enthusiasm in this young 'citizen.' 

They see how theaters and movies, worthless literature 
and tabloid newspapers pour poison into the masses by the 
bucketful, and are surprised by their low 'morality,' their 
national 'indifference.' As though movie sentimentality, 
tabloid newspapers, and similar rubbish could lay the 
foundation for a realization of national greatness! To say 
nothing of the previous education of the individual. 

What I had never guessed before, I learned to under- 
stand now: quickly and thoroughly. 

The question of the ' nationalization f of a people is first of 
all a question of creating sound social conditions as the funda- 
mental possibility for educating the individual. For only 
those who, through education and schooling, get to know the 
cultural and economic, and above all the political, greatness 
of their own country, can and will be proud of being allowed 
to call themselves members of this nation. Moreover, I can 
only fight for what I love; only love what I can respect; only 
respect what I know. 

Now that my interest for the social question was awak- 
ened, I began to study it in all thoroughness. It was a 


new and hitherto unknown world which opened itself 
before my eyes. 

In 1909-10 my own situation had changed somewhat, 
as I no longer had to earn my daily bread as an unskilled 
worker. I worked independently as a modest draftsman 
and painter of aquarelles. Though this was bitter as far 
as my earnings were concerned it was really barely 
enough for a living it was good for the career I had 
chosen. Now I was no longer dead tired as formerly when 
coming home from my work in the evening, unable to 
open a book without falling asleep after a short time. 
The work I was doing went hand in hand with my future 
profession. I was also master of my own time and I was 
able to arrange it better than before. 

I painted in order to earn a living and I learned for 

Thus I was enabled to supplement my practical ex- 
periences concerning social problems with the necessary 
theory. I studied almost every book on the subject I 
could get hold of, and for the rest I was steeped in thoughts 
of my own. 

I believe that those who knew me then must have thought 
me a queer fellow. 

But with all this it was natural that I devoted myself 
enthusiastically to my passion for architecture. Along with 
music, architecture appeared to me to be the queen of 
the arts: under such circumstances my occupation with it 
was not 'work,' but the greatest happiness. I was able to 
read or draw late into the night; I was never tired. Thus 
my belief, that my beautiful dream of the future would 
become reality, perhaps only after many years, was 
strengthened. I was firmly convinced that some day I 
would make a name as an architect. 

1 did not place much importance on the fact that in 
addition I took the greatest interest in everything con- 


nected with politics. On the contrary; to me this was the 
natural duty of every thinking human being anyway. He 
who had no understanding for this simply had no right to 
criticize or to complain, 
t Here, too, I also read and learned a lot. 

But by 'reading* I may possibly mean something entirely 
different from the great average of our so-called 'intelli- 

I know people who endlessly 'read' a lot, book after 
book, letter for letter, yet I would not call them 'well 
read.' Of course, they possess a wide 'knowledge,' but 
their intellect does not know how to distribute and register 
the material gathered. They lack the ability to distinguish 
in a book that which is of value and that which is of no 
value to them; to keep the one in mind forever, and to 

Hitler was never more candid than in these pages, which 
must not be read, however, as a mere defense against the charge 
of ignorance. The educational program of National Socialism 
is based upon the theory that too much reading, too much fa- 
miliarity with different points of view, fosters criticism, and 
therewith disrupts the unity with which the nation must face 
the problem of war. Hitler's declaration that he read in order 
to fortify ideas he already held is, whether true in fact or not 
(the point has been raised by various biographers), highly im- 
portant because it happens to coincide with a trend in Ger- 
man pedagogical thought which, related in a sense to Plato and 
Fichte, has led to the 'Spartan ' ideal now dominant in German 
higher education and handed down thence to the elementary 
school. Aurel Kolnai, in his War against the West, summarizes 
the ideas of one spokesman for that trend Professor Alfred 
Baeumler, latterly Nazi appointee to the University of Berlin : 
'We set ourselves the task of breeding types, not "individuali- 
ties." To the ideal of universality (many-sidedness) we oppose 
efficient and disciplined unity; to harmony, force; to refinement, 
greatness and simplicity; to complicated inwardness, an atti- 


overlook, if possible, the other, instead of carrying it with 
them as so much unnecessary ballast. Reading, further- 
more, is not a purpose in itself, but a means to an end. 
It should serve, first of all, to fill in the frame which Is 
formed by the talents and abilities of the individual; 
thus reading has to furnish the tools and the building 
material which the individual needs for his profession, no 
matter whether it serves only the primitive purpose of 
making a living or whether it presents a higher vocation; 
secondly, reading has to give a general picture of the world. 
In both cases it is necessary that the content of what 
has been read is registered in the mind, not according 
to the sequence in the book, or according to the sequence 
in which the books are read, but that, like the small pieces 
of a mosaic, it is put into the place where it belongs, thus 

tude of steadfastness. The utmost dignity is accorded to bodily 
training, not for reasons of health, but as a direct expression of 
the preferred "mode of life." . . . Amidst a culture that has be- 
come too inward, too spiritual, athletics restore the principle 
of "visibleness." Our conditions of life must be simplified; we 
shall have to resort to the elemental forces in our people. 9 

Concerning Hitler's own intellectual equipment, the follow- 
ing objective statement made by Professor Hans E. Friedrich in 
1931 seems readable and interesting today: 'He is an orator, an 
organizer, a practical psychologist; and in addition he possesses 
physical courage, is unusually able to tap his own enthusiasm, 
and has a fund of glowing personal emotions. But in order to 
become a leader in the sense that Pericles and Napoleon were 
leaders, he would have to overcome his lack of that which gives 
a man in supreme command personal confidence in himself 
calmness of analysis (above all where he himself is concerned), 
hardness to the point of rigor, ability to face decisions of im- 
portance with an absolutely open mind, unemotional serious- 
ness in the act of looking things over, and that measure of inner 
objectivity that gives a man independence and stubborn per* 


helping to complete the general picture of the world in 
the mind of the reader. Otherwise, the result will be a 
terrible muddle of things learned, and this is not only 
of little value, but it also makes its unfortunate possessor 
presumptuous and vain. For now he thinks in all sincerity 
that he is 'educated'; he thinks he knows life and has 
knowledge; whereas in reality, with each new contribu- 
tion to this 'education,' he is more and more estranged 
from the world, till frequently he ends in a sanatorium, 
or as a 'politician* in parliament. 

Such a person will never succeed in finding, in an hour 
of need, the right thing in the medley of his 'knowledge,' 
as his mental ballast is not arranged according to the 
course of life, but in the order in which he has read the 
books and in which their contents are arranged in his 
mind. If Fate in his daily demands of life were always 
to remind him of the right use of that which he has once 
read, then it would also have to remind him of each book 
and the page number or else the poor devil in all eternity 
would never find the right thing. But since it does not 
do this, these extraordinarily wise men are terribly em- 
barrassed at critical moments and seek frantically for 
analogies, and then, of course, they are dead certain to 
chance upon the wrong recipe. 

If this were not so, we should not be able to understand 
the political achievements of our learned heroes in the 
highest government positions, unless we decided that they 

sistence. In addition Hitler seems to lack that elementary 
knowledge of economic and political situations and of history 
which a leader must have at his command, though he need not 
drag about with him a ballast of information.' (Cf. Die christ- 
Kche Well, Vol. XLV, nr. 9.) 

The practical consequences of Hitler's attitude towards edu- 
cation will be discussed later on. 


had pathological inclinations instead of infamous villainy. 

When studying a book, a magazine, or a pamphlet, those 
who master this art of reading will immediately pick out 
that which in their opinion is suitable for them because 
it serves their purposes or is generally worth knowing 
and therefore to be remembered forever. As soon as the 
knowledge so gained finds its due place in the one or the 
other existing picture of this or that thing which imagina- 
tion has created, it will act as a corrective or as a supple- 
ment, thus enhancing its truth or its clarity. When life 
suddenly presents some question to be examined or an- 
swered, then this manner of reading will immediately take 
the already existing picture as a standard, and from it it 
will take all the single contributions to this question which 
have been collected during past decades, and submit them 
to the intellect for examination and reconsideration till the 
question is clarified or answered. 

It is only in this fashion that reading is of use and has 

A public speaker, for instance, who does not in this way 
supply his intelligence with the necessary support will 
never, in case of contradiction, be able to present his 
opinion convincingly, no matter whether it may correspond 
a thousand times to truth or reality. His memory will 
shamefully desert him in all discussions; he will neither 
find supporting arguments for his contentions, nor will he 
find such with which to confound his adversary. This 
may be all very well if it only concerns a public speaker 
and only his own personal reputation is involved, but things 
take a bad turn when Fate appoints such a 'know-it-all/ 
who is really a know-nothing, the head of a State. 

From my early youth I took pains to read in the right 
manner, and in this I was happily assisted by my memory 
and intellect. And in this light the time I spent in Vienna 
was especially fruitful and useful. The experiences of 


everyday life gave me the stimulus for my renewed study 
of various problems. As I was thus finally enabled to sub* 
stantiate theory with reality, to examine theory in its re- 
lation to reality. I was spared being suffocated in theories 
and from becoming shallow through reality. 

Apart from the social problem, two other very important 
questions were also experienced in daily life, decisive and 
stimulating for a thorough theoretical study. 

Who knows when I might have plunged into studying 
the doctrines and ideas of Marxism if that period had not 
virtually pushed my nose into this problem ! 

What I knew of Social Democracy during my youth was 
precious little and mostly wrong. 

I was secretly glad to know that it fought for general 
suffrage and the secret ballot. My reason already told me 
that this would lead to the weakening of the Habsburg 
regime which I hated so much. In the conviction that the 
State on the Danube could never be preserved unless the 
German nationality was sacrificed, and that even paying 
the price of the gradual Slavicizing of the German element 

Faithful to its internationalist program, Socialism made 
every effort to organize Slav and German workers in a common 
front. When after the War a constitutional assembly convened 
in Austria, Viktor Adler declared: 'We extend fraternal greet- 
ings to our Slavic and Romanic brethren, and are ready to 
unite with the peoples that are our neighbors in a free federa- 
tion, if they so desire. Otherwise German Austria will be com- 
pelled to join Germany as a specially constituted state inside 
the German federation of states/ The position of the small 
Austrian National Socialist Party at that time was: it imme- 
diately repudiated every thought of a common association with 
the peoples comprising the old Habsburg Empire, and de- 
manded union with Germany. 


would in no way have guaranteed the survival of the State, 
as it was doubtful if the Slavic nationality could have ac- 
complished this, I therefore welcomed every development 
which in my opinion would lead to the breakdown of the 
State which had pronounced the death sentence on ten mil- 
lion German people. The more the linguistic tohuwabohu 
[Hebrew Genesis 1:2 meaning chaos, confusion, 
hubbub] ate into and tore at the parliament, the sooner 
would come the hour of doom of this Babylonian realm, 
and with it, the day of freedom for my German-Austrian 
people. Only in this way could the Anschluss with the 
old motherland be achieved. 

I rather liked the activity of Social Democracy. The 
fact that it finally endeavored to raise the standard of living 
of the working class in those days my innocent mind was 
foolish enough to believe this seemed to speak rather in 
its favor than against it. But what disgusted me most was 
its hostile attitude towards the fight for the preservation 
of the German nationality, its pitiful courtship of the Slav 
* comrades,' who readily accepted this wooing as long as it 
meant practical allowances, but were otherwise arrogantly 
aloof, thus paying the intruding beggars the wages they 

At the age of seventeen I had rarely heard the word 
'Marxism,' whereas 'Social Democracy* and 'Socialism 1 
were identical ideas to me. Here, too, the hand of Fate 
had to open my eyes to this unprecedented betrayal of the 

Till then I had known the Social Democratic Party only 
from a spectator's point of view, on the occasion of various 
mass demonstrations, without having the slightest insight 
into the mentality of its followers or the meaning of its 
doctrine; but now I suddenly came into contact with the 
products of its education and view of life; I now achieved 
in a few months what otherwise might have taken decades: 


the realization that it was a pestilential whore covered 
with the mask of social virtue and brotherly love, and that 
mankind must rid the world of her as soon as possible, or 
otherwise the world might easily be rid of mankind. 

While I was employed as a building worker, my first 
encounter with Social Democracy took place. 

It was not a very enjoyable experience from the begin- 
ning. My clothes were still in good shape, my language was 
refined, and my manners reserved. I still was so preoc- 
cupied with my own affairs that I did not bother much 
with my surroundings. I looked for work to prevent me 
from starving, thus hoping to find the possibility for further 
training, however slow it might be. Perhaps I would not 
have troubled about my new surroundings at all if some- 
thing had not happened on the third or fourth day which 
forced me to take a stand. I was asked to join the or- 

My knowledge of unions was nil at that time. I would 
not have been able to prove the suitability or the useless- 
ness of their existence. When I was told that I had to join, 
I refused. I gave as my reason that I did not understand 
the whole affair and that, on the whole, I would not let 
myself be forced into anything. The first was perhaps the 
reason why I was not thrown out immediately. Perhaps 
they hoped that in a few days I would be converted or 
would give in. In any event, they were thoroughly mis- 
taken. After two weeks 1 was not allowed to wait any 
longer, even if I had wanted to. During these two weeks I 
had become better acquainted with my surroundings, so 
that no power on earth could have induced me to join an 
organization whose representatives had meanwhile shown 
themselves in so unfavorable a light. 

The first few days I was annoyed. 

At noon some of the men went into the nearest public 
houses, while others remained on the spot where they in 


most cases ate a very frugal meal. These were the married 
ones whose wives brought them their noonday soup in 
battered dishes. Their number grew steadily towards the 
end of the week; why, I knew only later. Now politics were 

I drank my bottle of milk and ate my piece of bread 
somewhere on the side, cautiously studying my new sur- 
roundings or pondering over my miserable fate. Yet I 
heard more than enough ; also, more than once it seemed to 
me as if they approached me intentionally in order to draw 
me out. In any case, what I heard served to annoy me 
extremely. Everything was rejected: the nation as an in- 
vention of the 'capitalistic' classes how often was I to 
hear just this word! ; the country as the instrument of 
the bourgeoisie for the exploitation of the workers; the 
authority of the law as a means of suppressing the prole- 
tariat; the school as an institution for bringing up slaves 
as well as slave drivers; religion as a means for doping the 
people destined for exploitation; morality as a sign of 
sheepish patience, and so forth. Nothing remained that 
was not dragged down into the dirt and the filth of the 
lowest depths. 

In the beginning I tried to keep silent. But finally I 
could hold back no longer. I began to take part and to 
contradict. But soon I realized that this was entirely hope- 
less as long as I did not possess at least a certain knowledge 
of the subjects under argument. Thus I began to look into 
the sources from which the others drew their so-called wis- 
dom. I studied book after book, pamphlet after pamphlet. 

On the job the arguments often became heated. Being 
daily better informed about their knowledge than my ad- 
versaries themselves, I argued till finally one day they 
applied the one means that wins the easiest victory over 
reason : terror and force. Some of the leaders of the other 
side gave me the choice of either leaving the job at once 


or of being thrown from the scaffold. As I was alone and 
resistance seemed hopeless, I preferred to follow the 
former, enriched by a new experience. 

I went away, disgusted, but at the same time I was so 
stirred that it would have been impossible for me to turn 
my back on the whole affair. No; after my first indignation 
had passed, my stubbornness gained the upper hand. I 
firmly resolved to return to another construction job. This 
decision was encouraged by Poverty, who, after I had eaten 
up my small savings in the course of a few weeks, clasped 
me in her unfeeling arms. Now I had to, whether I wanted 
to or not. The game began again from the beginning, only 
to end in a similar way as it had the first time. 

My mind was tormented by the question: Are these still 
human beings, worthy of being part of a great nation? 

A torturing question it was; if answered in the affirma- 
tive, then the fight for a nation is no longer worth the 
trouble and the sacrifices which the better ones have to 
make for such outcasts; if the answer is in the negative, 
then our nation is poor in human beings. 

During these days of pondering and reflection I watched 
with uneasiness the mass of those who could no longer be 
counted as belonging to the nation grow into a threatening 

How different were my feelings when one day I stared 
at the endless columns of a mass demonstration of Viennese 
workers, marching by in rows of four! For nearly two hours 
I stood there and watched with bated breath this terrible 
human dragon creeping slowly along. Depressed and 
anxious I left the square and walked home. On my way I 
saw in a tobacco shop a copy of the Arbeiterzeitung, the 
mouthpiece of the old Austrian Social Democracy. It was 
also available in a cheap coffee shop where I sometimes 
used to go to read the newspapers; but so far I had not 
been able to bring myself to look at this wretched paper 


for more than two minutes, for the effect of its language 
on me was like that of spiritual vitriol. Under the de- 
pressing influence of the demonstration, an inner voice 
now urged me to buy the paper for once and to read it 
thoroughly. I did this in the evening, though I sometimes 
had to fight down the rage rising in me because of this 
concentrated solution of lies. 

The daily reading of the Social Democratic newspapers 
enabled me better to study the inner meaning of these 
ideas than all of the theoretic literature put together. 

What a difference between the phrases about liberty, 
beauty, and dignity, the delusive swaggering which at- 
tempted to express the deepest wisdom, the disgusting and 
humane morality everything was written with an iron- 
faced prophetic certainty contained in the theoretic 
literature and this doctrine of salvation of a new mankind 
in a daily press which did not shrink from any baseness 
whatsoever, and which operated with the most brutal 
forces of calumny and a virtuosity for lying that was out- 
rageous! The one is intended for the innocent simpletons 
of the middle, and, of course, the upper, classes of the 
4 intelligentsia ' ; the other for the masses. 

For me the concentration on the literature and press of 
this organization and its doctrine was my return to my 

What I first had looked upon as an impassable chasm 
now spurred me on to a greater love for my country than 
ever before. 

Aware of the terrible workings of this poison, only a fool 
would condemn the victim. The more independent I be- 
came in the following years, the greater the distance, the 
wider were my eyes opened to the inner causes of the 
Social Democratic successes. Now I understood the brutal 
demand to subscribe only to red newspapers, to attend 
only red meetings, to read only red books, and so on. My 


eyes saw with plastic clarity the enforced result of this 
doctrine of intolerance. *? 

The psyche of the great masses is not receptive to half 
measures or weakness. 

Like a woman, whose psychic feeling is influenced less 
by abstract reasoning than by an undefinable, sentimental 
longing for complementary strength, who will submit to 
the strong man rather than dominate the weakling, thus 
the masses love the ruler rather than the suppliant, and 
inwardly they are far more satisfied by a doctrine which 
tolerates no rival than by the grant of liberal freedom ; they 
often feel at a loss what to do with it, and even easily feel 
themselves deserted. They neither realize the impudence 
with which they are spiritually terrorized, nor the out- 
rageous curtailment of their human liberties, for in no way 
does the delusion of this doctrine dawn on them. Thus 
they see only the inconsiderate force, the brutality and 
the aim of its manifestations to which they finally always 

// Social Democracy is confronted by a doctrine of greater 
truthfulness, carried out with the same brutality, then the 
latter will be victorious, though the struggle may be hard. 

Before two years had elapsed, the doctrine and the 
technical tools of Social Democracy had become clear to me. 

I understood the infamous mental terror which this 
movement exercised on the population which could neither 
morally nor psychically resist such attacks; Social De- 
mocracy, at a given signal, directs a bombardment of lies 

This statement is of cardinal importance, so that an analysis 
of the underlying thought development is suggested. Hitler, 
conscious of belonging to a higher social caste than his fellow- 
workers after all, his father had spent a lifetime struggling 
to rise instinctively retreats from the idea of accepting 
solidarity with them. They persist in their proselyting efforts. 


and calumnies towards the adversary who seemed most 
dangerous, till finally the nerves of those who had been 
attacked give out and they, for the sake of peace, bow down 
to the hated enemy. 

But the fools will not find peace after all. 

The play begins again and is so often repeated till the 
fear of the mad dog paralyzes them by suggestion. 

As Social Democracy knows, from its own experience, 
the value of strength, it assaults mostly those in whom it 
scents a trace of that rare material. On the other hand, 
it praises every weakling of the other side, sometimes cau- 
tiously, sometimes more boldly, according to the mental 
qualities they appreciate or suspect. 

It is less afraid of a powerless, irresolute genius than of 
a strong man of even moderate intelligence. 

Most of all it recommends those who are weaklings in 
mind and power. 

It knows how to create the appearance as though this 
were the only way in which peace could be maintained; 
yet relentlessly it conquers one position after another, 

An argument ensues; and appalled by their revolutionary 
attitudes, he loses his temper. There is a fight. Afterward 
he can only think bitterly of how these large groups of Germans 
are being weaned away from ardent zeal for the expansion of 
the German nation and made, by persistent regimentation 
and propaganda, to accept the creed of international class 
warfare. The trend could not, he decided, be halted with 
reasoning or evidence. Only a group still more disciplined, 
still more ruthless in its methods, would after a bitter struggle 
be able to suppress such a movement. These early reflections 
colored his later conduct. The Social Democracy of post-War 
years in Germany was not revolutionary but reformist. It 
was actuated by a deep and intelligent patriotism. But he 
refused to concede that his Vienna impressions needed revision. 


eyes saw with plastic clarity the enforced result of this 
doctrine of intolerance, < 

The psyche of the great masses is not receptive to half 
measures or weakness. 

Like a woman, whose psychic feeling is influenced less 
by abstract reasoning than by an undefinable, sentimental 
longing for complementary strength, who will submit to 
the strong man rather than dominate the weakling, thus 
the masses love the ruler rather than the suppliant, and 
inwardly they are far more satisfied by a doctrine which 
tolerates no rival than by the grant of liberal freedom ; they 
often feel at a loss what to do with it, and even easily feel 
themselves deserted. They neither realize the impudence 
with which they are spiritually terrorized, nor the out- 
rageous curtailment of their human liberties, for in no way 
does the delusion of this doctrine dawn on them. Thus 
they see only the inconsiderate force, the brutality and 
the aim of its manifestations to which they finally always 

// Social Democracy is confronted by a doctrine of greater 
truthfulness, carried out with the same brutality, then the 
latter will be victorious, though the struggle may be hard. 

Before two years had elapsed, the doctrine and the 
technical tools of Social Democracy had become clear to me. 

I understood the infamous mental terror which this 
movement exercised on the population which could neither 
morally nor psychically resist such attacks; Social De- 
mocracy, at a given signal, directs a bombardment of lies 

This statement is of cardinal importance, so that an analysis 
of the underlying thought development is suggested. Hitler, 
conscious of belonging to a higher social caste than his fellow- 
workers after all, his father had spent a lifetime struggling 
to rise instinctively retreats from the idea of accepting 
solidarity with them. They persist in their proselyting efforts. 


and calumnies towards the adversary who seemed most 
dangerous, till finally the nerves of those who had been 
attacked give out and they, for the sake of peace, bow down 
to the hated enemy. 

But the fools will not find peace after all. 

The play begins again and is so often repeated till the 
fear of the mad dog paralyzes them by suggestion. 

As Social Democracy knows, from its own experience, 
the value of strength, it assaults mostly those in whom it 
scents a trace of that rare material. On the other hand, 
it praises every weakling of the other side, sometimes cau- 
tiously, sometimes more boldly, according to the mental 
qualities they appreciate or suspect. 

It is less afraid of a powerless, irresolute genius than of 
a strong man of even moderate intelligence. 

Most of all it recommends those who are weaklings in 
mind and power. 

It knows how to create the appearance as though this 
were the only way in which peace could be maintained; 
yet relentlessly it conquers one position after another, 

An argument ensues; and appalled by their revolutionary 
attitudes, he loses his temper. There is a fight. Afterward 
he can only think bitterly of how these large groups of Germans 
are being weaned away from ardent zeal for the expansion of 
the German nation and made, by persistent regimentation 
and propaganda, to accept the creed of international class 
warfare. The trend could not, he decided, be halted with 
reasoning or evidence. Only a group still more disciplined, 
still more ruthless in its methods, would after a bitter struggle 
be able to suppress such a movement. These early reflections 
colored his later conduct. The Social Democracy of post- War 
yeans in Germany was not revolutionary but reformist. It 
was actuated by a deep and intelligent patriotism. But he 
refused to concede that his Vienna impressions needed revision. 


either by quiet pressure or by downright robbery at mo- 
ments when public attention is occupied with other things 
and does not wish to be disturbed or because it considers 
the affair too trifling to be dealt with and does not wish to 
provoke the adversary anew. 

These tactics are based on an exact calculation of all 
human weaknesses; their result must lead to success with 
almost mathematical certainty, unless the other side also 
learns to fight poison gas with poison gas. 

Weak natures have to be told that it simply means 'to 
be or not to be/ 

The importance of physical terror against the individual 
and the masses also became clear to me. 

Here, too, we find exact calculation of the psychological 

The terror in the workshops, in the factory, in the assembly 
hall, and on occasion of mass demonstrations will always be 
accompanied by success as long as it is not met by an equally 
great force of terror. 

Then, of course, the party will cry havoc; scornful of 
State authority it will now call for it, so that in most cases 
and in the general disorder, it will reach the goal that is, 
it will find some idiot of a higher official who, in the stupid 
hope of in this way gaining, for the future, perhaps the 
favor of the dreaded enemy, helps to break the adversary 
of this universal plague. 

Only those who know the soul of a people, not from 
books but from life, can understand the impression such 
success makes on the sensibilities of the masses of adherents 
and adversaries as well. While in the ranks of their ad- 
herents the victory gained is looked upon as the triumph 
of the right in its own cause, the beaten adversary in most 
cases despairs entirely of the success of all further re- 

The closer I became acquainted with the methods of 


physical terror, the more I asked for forgiveness from those 
hundreds of thousands who succumb to it. 

I owe most of all to that period of suffering that it alone 
has given my people back to me, that I learned to dis- 
tinguish between victims and seducers. 

The results of these seductions cannot be called anything 
other than victims. For if I now were to try to draw from 
life the existence of these 'lowest 1 classes, the picture 
would not be complete without the assurance that in these 
depths I would also find light in the shape of a rare willing- 
ness to make sacrifices, a faithful comradeship, extreme 
contentedness, and reserved modesty, especially among the 
older generation of the working class. Though these virtues 
were lost more and more to the younger generation, espe- 
cially under the general influence of the big city, yet there 
were many whose sound and healthy blood mastered the 
mean baseness of life. If nevertheless these good-natured, 
plucky people, in their political activity entered the ranks 
of the deadliest enemy of our nationality, thus helping to 
close them up, the fault was that they did not and could 
not understand the baseness of the new doctrine, that no- 
body else took the trouble to look after them, and that 
finally social conditions were perhaps stronger than all the 
mutual will power present. The poverty into which they 
would fall sooner or later drove them finally into the camp 
of Social Democracy. 

As innumerable times the bourgeoisie, in the most stupid, 
but also the most immoral, manner turned against claims 
which were generally and humanly justified, without obtaining 
any advantages for themselves or expecting any, even the most 
decent worker was driven from trade unionism into political 

t Millions of workers were certainly inwardly enemies of 
the Social Democratic Party at the beginning, but their 
resistance was overcome in a sometimes idiotic way and 


manner, because the parties of the bourgeoisie turned 
against all social demands. They foolishly suppressed all 
attempts to improve working conditions, safety devices on 
machines, abolition of child labor, and protection of the 
woman at least during those months when she carries 
under her heart the future fellow citizen, thus helping 
Social Democracy, which gratefully took up every such 
deplorable manifestation to drive the masses into its nets. 
Never can our political bourgeoisie repair the damage it 
has done. By its resistance to all attempts to remedy 
social abuses, it sowed seeds of hatred and condoned the 
claims of the arch-enemies of the entire nationality, that 
the Social Democratic Party alone represented the interests 
of the working classes. 

Thus it created above all the moral justification for the 
actual existence of trade unions, those organizations which 
from the beginning rendered the greatest touting service 
to the political party. 

During my years of apprenticeship in Vienna I was 
forced, whether I wanted or not, to define my attitude 
regarding the question of unions. 

As I looked upon them as an inseparable part of the 
Social Democratic Party as a whole, my decision was quick 
and wrong. 

It was natural that I should reject them flatly. 

In this enormously important question Fate itself gave 
me lessons. 

The result was the reversal of my first decision. ** 

By the time I was twenty I had learned to distinguish 
between the union as a means of defending the general 
social rights of the employees and of fighting for better 
living conditions for the individual, and the union as a 
party instrument in the political class war. 

The fact that Social Democracy realized the enormous 
importance of the union movement secured the instrument 


for it, and with it, success; it cost the bourgeoisie its political 
position because it did not understand this. By an im- 
pudent rejection it thought that it would be able to put 
an end to a logical develgpment, whereas in reality it only 
forced it to assume illogical paths. It is nonsense and, 
furthermore, untrue that the union movement in itself is 
unpatriotic. Quite the contrary is true. If union activity 
Axes as its goal, and carries out, the uplifting of a class 
which forms part of the basic pillars of the nation, it does 
not act unpatriotically or inimically towards the State, 
but it is 'national' in the true sense of the word. After 
all, it helps to create the preliminary social conditions 
without which a general national education is unthinkable. 
It is the highest merit of the union movement that it 
abolishes deep-seated social evils and that it attacks 
physical and mental infections, thus adding to the general 
welfare of the national body. 

The question as to its necessity, therefore, is really 

As long as there are amongst the employers people with 
little social understanding or even lacking a sense of justice 
and fairness, it is not only the right but even the duty of 
their employees, who after all form part of our national- 
ity, to protect the interests of all against the avarice and 
the unreasonableness of the individual; the safeguarding 
of the faith and loyalty of a national body is a concern of 
the nation, just as is the safeguarding of the health of the 

Both are seriously endangered by unworthy employers 
who do not consider themselves part of the entire national 
community. The ill effects of their avarice and reckless- 
ness cause grave dangers for the future. 

To abolish the causes of such a development means to 
deserve well of the nation, and not perhaps the reverse. 

We cannot say that the individual is free to draw the 


consequences from a real or imagined wrong that has been 
done to him, that means to go [sic]. Oh, no! This would be 
humbug and must be considered as an attempt at diverting 
one's attention. Either the abolition of evil and unsocial 
events is in the interest of the nation or it is not. If it is, 
then the battle against it has to be fought with the help of 
weapons which give hope for success. The individual worker 
is never in a position to maintain his position against the 
power of big business, because the question involved is not 
that of the victory of the higher right, for with its acknow- 
ledgment the whole argument, since there would be no 
reasons, would not exist; the question involved is only that 
of the greater power. On the other hand, the existing feel- 
ing of justice alone would end the quarrel in an honest 
manner, or, better still, the quarrel would never have 

No, if unsocial or unworthy treatment of human beings 
calls for resistance, and as long as no lawful and judicial 
authorities are created for the abolition of these evils, the 
struggle can be decided only by the stronger. But it is natural 
that the power of the employer, concentrated into one single 
person, can be opposed only by the masses of employees, 
united into one single body, as otherwise they would have to 
renounce aU hope for victory at the start. 

Thus the union organization may lead to a strengthening 
of a social idea in its practical effects on everyday life, and 
with it help towards the abolition of causes of irritation, 
which again and again bring about dissatisfaction ana 

That this is not the fact must for the most part be at- 
tributed to those who knew how to put obstacles in the 
way of every lawful regulation of social abuses or who 
have prevented it by means of their political influence. 

In the same measure in which the political bourgeoisie 
did not understand, or rather did not want to understand, 


the union organization and showed resistance against it, 
Social Democracy embraced the disputed movement. 
Thus it clear-sightedly created a firm basis which has 
proved itself as a last support in more than one critical 
hour. Of course, the original purposes were abandoned 
gradually to make room for new goals. 

Social Democracy never thought of preserving the pro- 
fessional movement it had included as its original task. 

No, this was not its intention. 

In the course of a few decades, under its skilled hand, 
ihe means for protecting social and union rights had be- 
come the instrument for the destruction of national 
economics. The interests of the workers were not to prove 
the least hindrance. For in politics, also, the application 
of economic means of pressure permits the exercise of ex- 
tortion, as long as there exists a sufficient amount of the 
necessary recklessness on the one side, and enough stupid, 
sheepish patience on the other. 

Something which in this case applies to both sides. 

At the turn of the century the union movement had 
already long since ceased to serve its original purpose. 
From year to year it had entered more and more into the 
confines of Social Democratic politics, till finally its pur- 
pose was only that of a ram in the class war. By its con- 
tinued blows it was to bring about the fall of the entire 
economic body, built up with great care, so that the 
structure of the State, after its economic foundations had 
been destroyed, would easily meet with the same end. 
The representation of all the economic needs of the workers 
was receiving less and less consideration, till finally po- 
litical wisdom did not think it desirable to remedy the 
social or even cultural distress of the great masses any more, 
for once their demands had been satisfied, one would run 
the risk that they could no longer be used as helpless storm 


So great was the fear that such an ominously perceived 
development had instilled in the leaders of the class war 
that they at last not only declined, but even opposed, any 
real beneficial social action. 

They never were at a loss for an explanation for such an 
apparently incomprehensible attitude. 

By screwing the demands higher and higher, their pos- 
sible fulfillment seemed so small and unimportant that one 
was able to convince the masses at any time that one had 
only to deal with the devilish attempt to weaken or even 
paralyze the force of the working class by such a ridiculous 
satisfaction of their holiest claims. Considering the limited 
thinking power of the masses, the success is not surprising. 

In the camp of the bourgeoisie, the indignation was great 
at this apparent insincerity of the Social Democratic 
tactics, but without drawing even the slightest deductions 
for a directive of their own. The Social Democrats' very 
fear of the actual raising of the workers from the depths 
of their present cultural and social misery should have led 
to the greatest efforts in this direction, so that the instru- 
ment would gradually have been wrenched from the repre- 
sentatives of the class war. 

But this was not done. 

Instead of conquering the position of the enemy by an 
attack of their own, they preferred to be pressed and pushed, 
till finally the actions which were taken were entirely in- 
adequate because they came too late; as they were too 
unimportant, it was easy to reject them. Thus in reality 
everything remained as it had been, only the dissatisfaction 
was greater than before. 

Like a threatening thundercloud, the 'free trades union' 
hung over the political horizon and the life of the individual. 

It was one of the most terrible instruments of intimida- 
tion against the security and the independence of national 
economy, the solidity of the State and personal freedom. 


It was the free trades union above all which turned the 
conception of Democracy into a ridiculous and repellent 
phrase, which profaned liberty and ridiculed fraternity 
forever with the words ' Und willst du nicht Gcnossc sein, 
so schlagen wir dir den Schaedel ein.' [And if you will not 
join with us, we'll crack your skull.] 

Thus I learned to know this 'Friend of mankind. 9 My 
opinion was enlarged and deepened in the course of the 
years, but I had no reason to change it. 

The more insight I gained into the externals of Social 
Democracy, the greater became my longing to penetrate to 
the nucleus of its doctrine. 

The official literature of the party, of course, was of 
little use. As far as economic problems are concerned, it is 
wrong in assertion and proof; as regards the political aims, 
it lies. In addition, I was disgusted with its modern petti- 
fogging methods and its writing. With an enormous amount 
of words of unclear content or unintelligible meaning it piles 
up sentences which are supposed to be as ingenious as they 
are meaningless. Only the decadent bohemianism of our 
big cities may feel at home in this labyrinth of reason, to 
pick up an 'inner experience 9 from the dung heap of this 
literary dadaism, supported by the proverbial modesty of 
part of our people, which senses deepest wisdom in the most 
incomprehensible things. 

However, by balancing the theoretical untruth and the 
nonsense of this doctrine with the reality of its appearance, 
I gradually gained a clear picture of its inner intention. 

In such hours I had sad forebodings and was filled with 
a depressing fear, I was faced by a doctrine consisting of 
egoism and hatred; it could be victorious, following mathe- 
matical laws, but at the same time it could bring about the 
end of mankind. 


Meanwhile I had learned to understand the connection 
between this doctrine of destruction and the nature of a race, 
which hitherto had been unknown to me. 

Understanding Jewry alone is the key to the comprehension 
of the inner, the real, intention of Social Democracy. 

He who knows this race will raise the veil of false concep- 
tions, and out of the mist and fog of empty social phrases 
there rises the grinning, ugly face of Marxism. 

Today I would find it difficult, if not impossible, to say 
when the word 'Jew* gave me cause for special thoughts for 
the first time. At home, as long as my father lived, I cannot 
remember that I ever heard the word. I am sure that if the 
old gentleman had mentioned the term in any special way, 
he would probably have been indicating antiquated culture. 
In the course of his life his opinions had been more or less 
cosmopolitan, which he not only retained despite his strong 
national feelings, but they also had an effect upon me as 

Even in school I found no reason which could cause me to 
change this accepted picture. 

At the Realschule I became acquainted with a Jewish 
boy whom we all treated with circumspection, but only 
because experience had taught us not to trust him too much 
on account of his reticence; neither I nor the others had 
any particular thoughts in the matter. 

It was only when I was fourteen or fifteen that I came 
upon the word 'Jew' more frequently, partly in connection 
with political discussions. I felt a slight dislike and could 
not ward off a disagreeable sensation which seized me 
whenever confessional differences took place in my presence. 

At that time I did not look upon this question from any 
other point of view. 

There were only a very few Jews in Linz. In the course 


of the centuries their external appearance had become 
European and human; yes, I even looked upon them as 
Germans. The nonsense of this notion was not clear to me, 
since I saw the only distinguishing mark in their strange 
religion. The fact that they had been persecuted on that 
account (as I believed) turned my aversion against un- 
favorable remarks about them almost into abhorrence. 

I had no idea at all that organized hostility against the 
Jews existed. 

And so I arrived in Vienna. 

Captivated by the mass of architectural impressions, 
depressed by the burden of my fate, I was at first unaware 
of the classification of the population in the huge city. 
Although Vienna in those years already had two hundred 
thousand Jews among its two million inhabitants, I did not 
see them. During the first weeks, my eyes and my senses 

The position of the Jews in Austria was far different from 
what it was in Germany. Census figures for 1890 indicate that 
there were 17,693,648 Catholics, and 1,143,305 Jews in the 
Empire. Other groups Greek Catholics, Protestants, etc. 
together numbered less than 4,000,000. The only really large 
Jewish settlement in German Austria was in Vienna. Now 
during the nineteenth century, two sources of conflict other 
than economic class differences arose to plague the Habsburgs 
rising nationalist sentiment, which made every one of the 
linguistic groups avid for special favors, and growing hostility 
to the privileges accorded the Church. 

Liberalism, increasing in importance after 1848, had con- 
siderably strengthened the grip of educated Viennese Jews 
upon the press and literary production. They were then 
accused by the Catholic majority of having fomented antipathy 
to the Concordat under which the Catholic Church then lived, 
and more generally of spreading liberalistic ideas; and the 
shifting of responsibility for ill-feeling from one party to an- 
other became in time a normal feature of Austrian intellectual 


were unable to take in the rush of so many new values and 
ideas. Only after settling down, when the confused pictures 
began to grow clearer, did I look at my new world more 
attentively, and then I also came upon the Jewish problem. 

I cannot say that I particularly liked the way in which 
I was to become acquainted with them. I still saw nothing 
but the religion in the Jew, and for reasons of human 
tolerance I continued to decline fighting on religious 
grounds. In my opinion, therefore, the language of the 
anti-Semitic Viennese press was unworthy of the cultural 
traditions of a great race. I was depressed by the memory of 
certain events in the Middle Ages which I did not wish to 
see repeated. Since the newspapers in question had not 
a high reputation generally for what reason I myself 
did not exactly know I saw in them more the products of 
envious annoyance rather than the results of a fundamental 
but incorrect opinion. 

My own opinion was supported by what seemed to me 
the much more dignified manner in which the really great 
press replied to all these attacks, or, what I thought even 
more worthy of respect, it did not mention them or ignored 
them completely. 

I zealously read the so-called world press (Neue Freie 

and journalistic life. The differences might have been ironed 
out in time if nationalistic sentiment and the resultant 
tendency to look upon Austria-Hungary as a * state of nations ' 
had not played its part. The Jews were looked upon as a 
separate 4 nation ' side by side with Germans, Czechs, and others. 
Consequently, even those Jews who became Catholics or 
Protestants were no longer assimilated. By changing their 
creed, they separated confessionally from a group to which 
they were nevertheless bound 'nationally.' Theoretically, of 
course, Jewish converts to Catholicism or Protestantism were 
accepted as equals, but in practice an increasingly large number 
of persons came to look upon such conversions as spurious. 


Presse, Wiener Tageblatt, etc.) and I was astonished at the 
scope of what it offered its readers in general and at the 
objectivity of the representation in detail. I respected the 
dignified tone, though the extravagance of its style some- 
times did not quite satisfy me and at times even displeased 
me. But this was perhaps due to life in the metropolis in 

Since at that time I considered Vienna a metropolis, 
I thought I was justified in letting the explanation I had 
given myself pass for an excuse. 

What repelled me sometimes, however, was the un- 
dignified manner in which the press wooed the Court. 
There was hardly any occurrence at the Hofburg which was 
not reported to the reader either in raptures of enthusiasm 
or in complaining amazement, especially when the 'wisest 
of all monarchs' of all times was concerned, the fuss almost 
resembled the mating cry of the mountain-cock. 

To me this seemed artificial. 

In my opinion liberal democracy was blemished by this. 

To strive for the favor of the Court in such an indecent 
manner signified ridiculing the dignity of the nation. 

This was the first shadow to cloud my spiritual relation- 
ship with the 'great' Viennese press. 

In Vienna I continued, as I had done before, to follow 
up all events in Germany with the fieriest enthusiasms, no 
matter whether political or cultural questions were con- 
cerned. With proud admiration I compared the rise of the 

Hitler did not, therefore, share the prevailing Catholic 
feeling that Jewish intellectuals and journalists were under- 
mining the rights of the Church. He was a 'liberal 9 in the 
sense that he, though born a Catholic, refused to commit 
himself seriously to one side of a religious discussion. What 
annoyed him was that the 'liberal' newspapers, to a large 
extent edited by Jews, defended the hated Habsburg House, 


Reich with the decline of the Austrian State. But while 
foreign political events gave me undivided joy, the less 
enjoyable domestic affairs often distressed me. At that 
time I did not approve of the fight that was being waged 
against Wilhelm II. In him I saw not only the German 
Emperor but also the creator of the German navy. The 
restriction of speech which the Reichstag imposed on the 
Kaiser annoyed me very much for the simple reason that 
it was issued by that institution which in my opinion had 
really no authority to do so, especially as during one single 
session these parliamentarian ganders produced more 
honking nonsense than a whole dynasty of emperors, its 
sorriest weaklings included, could have produced in 

I was indignant at the fact that in a State where every 
halfwit not only claimed the right to criticize, but where in 
the Reichstag he was let loose on the nation as a ' legislator/ 
the bearer of the imperial crown could be given 'repri- 
mands' by the greatest babbling institution of all time. 

It infuriated me even more that the same Viennese press 
which made the deepest curtsy even to the lowest of the 
Court nags, and which was beside itself with joy at the 
accidental waving of its tail, now with an apparently sorrow- 
ful mien but, as I thought, with ill-concealed malice 
expressed its objections against the German Kaiser. It was 

advocated parliamentary government, and criticised the all- 
highest Kaiser Wilhelm II. Here is one reason why he 
would later on throw German Catholics and Marxists into one 
pot. Both were upon occasion critical of the Prussian znon- 
archs, and both were dyed-in-the-wool advocates of parliamen- 
tary procedure. In Austria he had no reason to make this 
identification. Because they felt that the Habsburgs had often 
failed to support the cause of the Church, numerous groups of 
Catholics had waxed critical of the monarchy. 


farthest from its intentions to interfere with the affairs 
of the German Reich no, God forbid! but by placing 
a friendly finger on these wounds one fulfilled the duty 
imposed by the mutual alliance, and on the other hand, 
one's duty to journalistic truth, etc. Now this finger probed 
about in the wound to its heart's content. 

Such things made the blood rush to my head. 

It was this that made me look upon the great press with 
increasing caution. 

I had to admit, however, that one of the anti-Semitic 
papers, the Deutsche Volkszeitung, behaved better on one 
of these occasions. 

The disgusting veneration which the press even then 
expressed for France got on my nerves. One had to be 
ashamed of being a German when seeing these sweetish 
hymns of praise to the 'great culture nation.' More than 
once this wretched wooing of France made me put down 
one of these 'world papers.' I turned more and more to the 
Volksblatt, which I considered much smaller but which was 
also much cleaner than the other papers as far as these 
things were concerned. I did not agree with its sharp anti- 
Semitic tone, but now and then I read explanations which 
made me stop to think. 

At any rate and because of this, I gradually learned to 
know the man and the movement who ruled Vienna's 
destiny: Doktor Karl Lueger and the Christian Socialist 

Karl Lueger (1844-1910) founded the Christian-Social Party 
(to which Dr. Engelbert Dollf uss and Dr. Kurt von Schuschnigg 
belonged) on the basis of a program that combined a good 
deal of progressive municipal legislation with a shrewd aware- 
ness of the political values latent in popular anti-Semitism. 
He had a Jewish ancestor in his family tree, had numerous 
Jewish friends, and as Mayor of Vienna issued the slogan. 


When I first came to Vienna I was inimical to both of 

In my opinion, the man and the movement were 're- 

f My usual sense of justice made me change this opinion 
as I had the opportunity of getting acquainted with the 
man and the movement; and slowly my fair judgment 
turned into open admiration. Today more than before I look 
upon this man as the greatest German mayor of all times. 

How many of my deliberate opinions were thrown over 
by my change of attitude towards the Christian Socialist 

When because of this my opinions in regard to anti- 
Semitism also slowly began to change in the course of time, 
it was probably my most serious change. 

This change caused me most of my severe mental strug- 

4 1 am the one who decides who is a Jew.' Nevertheless Lueger's 
newspaper, the Volksblatt read by Hitler, was so violently anti- 
Semitic that the Archbishop of Vienna rebuked it in a Pastoral 
Letter which denounced 'heathenish race hatred.' To this 
Lueger retorted that to his great surprise and sorrow he found 
that the Archbishop was 'liberal through and through.' Rome 
took no definitive stand in the matter, the Papal Nuncio sup- 
porting the Archbishop while Cardinal Rampolla, then Papal 
Secretary of State, held a protecting hand over Lueger. The 
Volksblatt is indubitably a storehouse of information on the 
subject of Hitler's development. There one finds used, for 
example, the word voclkisch 'folkish,' i.e., pertaining to 
one's people, which is both 'race' and 'nation.' Even more 
delectable to Hitler were Lueger's constant brushes with the 
Emperor. Into this same period of time there also falls the 
origin of statements that the Talmud teaches pernicious ethics, 
encouraging Jews to gouge their Christian neighbors in every 
possible way. Dr. August Rohling's book, Der Talmud Judt 
(The Talmud Jew), appeared in 1871, was widely read or 


gles, and only after months of agonizing between reason 
and feeling, victory began to favor reason. Two years later 
feeling had followed reason, and from now on became its 
most faithful guard and monitor. 

In the period of this bitter struggle between spiritual 
education and cold reasoning, the pictures that the streets 
of Vienna showed me rendered me invaluable services. 
The time came when I no longer walked blindly through 
the mighty city as I had done at first, but, with open eyes, 
looked at the people as well as the buildings. < 

One day when I was walking through the inner city, 
I suddenly came upon a being clad in a long caftan, with 
black curls. 

Is this also a Jew? was my first thought. 

At Linz they certainly did not look like that. Secretly 
and cautiously I watched the man, but the longer I stared 
at this strange face and scrutinized one feature after the 
other, the more my mind reshaped the first question into 
another form : 

Is this also a German? 

As was my custom in such cases, I tried to remove my 
doubts by reading. For the first time in my life I bought 
some anti-Semitic pamphlets for a few pennies. They all 
started with the supposition that the reader already knew 
the Jewish question in principle or understood it to a certain 

quoted from in subsequent decades, and is still today the source 
from which all such accusations derive. It was debated pro 
and con at the time, being the object of litigation from which 
Rohling withdrew. Doubtless Hitler's anti-Jewish prejudice 
derives in part from his reading on this subject. For a Jewish 
treatment of this matter, cf. Erinnerungen aus mcinem Lcben, 
by Joseph S. Bloch (Vienna, 1922). For a succinct Catholic 
summary, cf. Zeitalter des Individualismus, by L. A. Veit 
(Freiburg, 193*)- 


degree. Finally, the tone was such that I again had doubts 
because the assertions were supported by such extremely 
unscientific arguments. 

I then suffered relapses for weeks, and once even for 

The matter seemed so monstrous, the accusations so 
unbounded that the fear of committing an injustice tortured 
me and made me anxious and uncertain again. 

However, even I could no longer actually doubt that 
they were not Germans with a special religion, but an 
entirely different race; since I had begun to think about this 
question, since my attention was drawn to the Jews, I began 
to see Vienna in a different light from before. Wherever I 
went I saw Jews, and the more I saw of them, the sharper 
I began to distinguish them from other people. The inner 
city especially and the districts north of the Danube Canal 
swarmed with a people which through its appearance alone 
had no resemblance to the German people. 

Even if my doubts had continued, my hesitation was 
finally dispelled by the attitude of part of the Jews them- 

A great movement amongst them, which was widely 
represented in Vienna, was determined to affirm the na- 
tional character of Jewry: the Zionists. 

It appeared as though only part of the Jews approved of 
this attitude and the majority disagreed or even condemned 
it. The appearance, when closely examined, dissolved itself 
for reasons of expedience into an evil mist of excuses or 

Zionism, as proclaimed and finally established by Theodor 
Herzl, an Austrian Jewish poet, was undoubtedly the clear- 
est manifesto of the difficulties in which Austrian Jews found 
themselves. For it accepted a 'national' status for the Jew 
thus barring the route to assimilation and added that such 
a status led logically to the ideal of separate Jewish State. 


even lies. For the so-called liberal Jews did not deny the 
Zionists for being non-Jewish, but for being Jews whose 
open acknowledgment of their Jewish nationality was 
impractical or even dangerous. 

This did not alter their internal solidarity in the least. 

Soon this apparent fight between Zionists and liberal 
Jews disgusted me; it was unreal throughout, based on lies, 
and little suited to the generally accepted high moral 
standard and purity of this race. 

The moral and physical cleanliness of this race was 
a point in itself. It was externally apparent that these 
were not water-loving people, and unfortunately one could 
frequently tell that even with eyes closed. Later the smell 
of these caftan wearers often made me ill. Added to this 
were their dirty clothes and their none too heroic appear- 

Perhaps all this was not very attractive; aside from the 
physical uncleanliness, it was repelling suddenly to discover 
the moral blemishes of the chosen people. 

Nothing gave me more cause for reflection than the 
gradually increased insight into the activities of Jews in 
certain fields. 

Was there any form of filth or profligacy, above all in 
cultural life, in which at least one Jew did not partici- 

When carefully cutting open such a growth, one could 
tind a little Jew, blinded by the sudden light, like a maggot 
in a rotting corpse. 

The Jews' activity in the press, in art, literature, and the 
theater, as I learned to know it, did not add to their credit 

These criticisms do not reflect actual critical study of the 
literature of the subject, but are echoes of Volksblatt editorials. 
There were some Jewish scribes of an objectionable sort; and 
they had their gentile bedfellows. To the great poets of 


in my eyes. All unctuous assertions were of little or no 
avail. It was sufficient to look at the bill-boards, to read 
the names of those who produced these awful works for 
theaters and movies if one wanted to become hardened 
for a long time. This was pestilence, spiritual pestilence 
with which the people were infected, worse than the Black 
Death of former times! And in what quantities this poison 
was produced and distributed! Of course, the lower the 
spiritual and the moral standard of such an art manufac- 
turer, the greater his fertility, till such a fellow, like a 
centrifugal machine, splashes his dirt into the faces of 
others. Besides, one must remember their countless num- 
ber; one must remember that for one Goethe, Nature plays 
a dirty trick upon mankind in producing ten thousand such 
scribblers who, as germ carriers of the worst sort, poison the 
minds of the world. 

It could not be overlooked how terrible it was that the 
Jew above all was chosen in so great a number for this 
disgraceful task. 

Was this to prove the fact that the Jews were the chosen 

Carefully I began to examine the names of those who 
created these unclean products of artistic life. The result 
had a devastating influence on my previous attitude to- 

Jewish extraction, Hugo von Hoffmansthal or Karl Kraus for 
example, the nationalists were just as ferociously indifferent 
as they were to the literary efforts of Czechs and Hungarians. 
This attitude was later on transplanted to Germany. Ques- 
tioned as to German post- War literature, a member of Papen's 
Cabinet retorted in 1933 that of course none of it could be any 
good. A still more logical sequel was the ' burning of the books f 
in Nazi Germany. Since then the official report on literature 
written by racially inferior authors is eingestampft i.e., 
reduced to pulp. 


wards the Jews. No matter how much my feeling resisted, 
Reason had to draw its own conclusions. 

The fact was not to be denied that ninety per cent of 
all literary and artistic rubbish and of theatrical humbug 
was due to a race which hardly amounted to one-hundredth 
of all inhabitants of the country. Yet it was so. 

Now I also began to examine my beloved 'world press' 
from this point of view. 

The deeper I probed, the more the subject of my former 
admiration diminished. I could no longer stand its style, 
I had to reject its contents on account of its shallowness, 
the objectivity of ks presentation seemed untrue rather 
than honest truth ; the authors, however, were Jews. 

Now I began to notice tj^MA9H**&ihi n &s which previ- 
ously I had hardly seen^djE^giBBJI^attuierstand others 
which had already ca^ff^Sf^lSS^^^^^, 

Now I saw the libm-5intiide of th^^^sjain a different 
light; its dignified lapjS^^^ff 9fiF^$> % tac ^Si or its 
completely ignoring IranK, w^mv^Sedrd twapj a trick as 
clever as it was m Ww\he^^riJHpa* thratripfl criticisms 
always dealt with JewmK rathorel dna-ne^ecJold they attack 
anyone except the GfinXThe sljgtft^ypricks against 
Wilhelm II proved in mJ^ghsi^^c^J^^methods, and so 
did the commendation of F^tejSaaBrfrore and civilization. 
The trashy contents of the novel now became obscene, and 
the language contained tones of a foreign race; the general 
intention was obviously so detrimental to the German 
nationality that it could only have been intentional. 

But who had an interest in this? 

Was it all a mere accident? 

Slowly I became uncertain. 

This development was accelerated by my insight into 
a series of other events. This was the conception of manners 
and morality as it was openly shown and exercised by 
a great number of Jews. 


Again the life in the street gave some really evil demon- 

In no other city ot western Europe could the relationship 
between Jewry and prostitution, and even now the white 
slave traffic, be studied better than in Vienna, with the 
possible exception of the seaports of Southern France. 
When walking at night through the streets and alleys of the 
Leopoldsstadt, with every step one could witness things 
which were unknown to the greater part of the German 
nation until the war gave the soldiers on the Eastern Front 
an opportunity to see similar things, or rather forced them 
to see them. 

An icy shudder ran down my spine when seeing for the 
first time the Jew as a cool, shameless, and calculating 
manager of this shocking vic, the outcome of the scum of 
the big city. 'L ^f ^ 

But then my indignation flare*? upa 

Now 1 did not evade the discussidn <$ the Jewish question 
any longer; no, I sought itou^:. A Cj&rned to look for the 
Jew in every field of our Cultural ajicj^ftistic l^ e > I suddenly 
bumped against him in a place where I* had never suspected. 

The scales dropped J rom n\y eye^<lvhen I found the Jew 
as the leader of SociaJ Dejpiocjrac^i This put an end to a 
long internal struggle* v ,, ^_, "* 

f During my daily contact with my worker comrades, I was 
struck by the changeability with which they demonstrated 
different attitudes towards one and .the same question, 
sometimes in the course of a few days, sometimes even after 
a few hours. I could hardly understand how people who 
expressed sensible opinions when talked to individually 
suddenly changed their minds when influenced by the spell 
of the masses. It often made me despair. After hours of 
talking I often thought that I had broken the ice or cleared 
up some nonsense and rejoiced at my success, only to find 
to my dismay on the following day that I had to start all 


over again; everything had been in vain. The madness of 
their ideas seemed to swing back and forth like a pendulum 
in perpetual motion. 

I could still understand everything: that they were 
dissatisfied with their lot and cursed Fate for hitting them 
so hard ; that they hated the employers whom they looked 
upon as the cruel executives of Fate; that they cursed the 
authorities who in their eyes had no understanding for 
their situation; that they demonstrated against the high 
cost of living and marched in the streets to make their 
demands; all this I could understand at least without re- 
course to reason. But what I never understood was their 
boundless hate towards their own nationality, how they 
despised their national greatness, soiled its history and 
abused its heroes. 

The fight against one's own race, against one's own nest 
and homeland, was as senseless as it was incomprehensible. 
It was unnatural. 

One could cure them temporarily of this vice, but only 
for days or weeks at the most. If later one met the supposed 
convert again, he had become the same as before. 

The unnatural had taken hold of him again. < 

I gradually realized that the Social Democratic press 
was headed primarily by Jews; but I did not attach special 
importance to this fact, as it was the same with the other 
newspapers. But one thing struck me: there was not one 
paper that employed Jews which had a really national 
tendency, as I understood it, based on my education and 

Now, although I made an effort and tried to read these 
Marxian products of the press, my aversion was intensified ; 
I tried to get better acquainted with the producers of this 
mass of knavery. 


They all were Jews from the publishers downwards. 

I took all the Social Democratic pamphlets I could get 
hold of and traced the names of their authors: they all were 
Jews. I memorized the names of all the leaders; the greater 
part of them were also members of the 'chosen people'; no 
matter if they were representatives of the Reichsrat or 
secretaries of the unions, presidents of organizations or 
street agitators. One always found the same uncanny 
picture. The names Austerlitz, David, Adler, Ellenbogen, 
and so forth, will remain in my memory forever. 

One thing had become clear to me: the party with whose 
little representatives I had to fight the hardest struggle 
during many months were almost entirely in the hands of 
a foreign race; it brought me internal happiness to realize 
definitely that the Jew was no German. 

Only now I learned thoroughly to know the seducers of our 

Only a year of my stay in Vienna had sufficed to con- 
vince me that no worker was so stubborn as not to give in to 
better knowledge and better arguments. Gradually I be- 
came acquainted with their own doctrine and I used it as 
a weapon in the battle for my own internal conviction. 

Now success was nearly always on my side. 

It was possible to save the great masses, but only after 
the greatest sacrifices of time and patience. 

The theory of preponderant Jewish leadership in Austrian 
Social Democracy is not substantiated by the facts. After 
the War there were quite a number of Jewish intellectuals in 
dominant positions, yet even then the Party leadership through- 
out German Austria was overwhelmingly Aryan. Moreover the 
Anschluss, though marked by wholesale arrests, was character- 
ized by impressive leniency towards the former Socialists, who 
suffered little in comparison with the Legitimists. This would, 
of course, not have been the case had the Socialists been as 
non-Aryan as Hitler here suggests. 


But it was never possible to free a Jew from his convic- 

At that time I was still naive enough to try to make 
clear to them the madness of their ideas; in my small circle 
I talked until my tongue was weary and till my throat was 
hoarse, and I thought I could succeed in convincing them 
of the destructiveness of their Marxist doctrine of irra- 
tionality; but the result was only the contrary. It seemed 
as though the increasing realization of the destructive 
influence of Social Democratic theories would serve only to 
strengthen their determination. 

The more I argued with them, the more I got to know 
their dialectics. First they counted on the ignorance of 
their adversary; then, when there was no way out, they 
themselves pretended stupidity. If all this was of no avail, 
they refused to understand or they changed the subject 
when driven into a corner; they brought up truisms, but 
they immediately transferred their acceptance to quite 
different subjects, and, if attacked again, they gave way 
and pretended to know nothing exactly. Wherever one 
attacked one of these prophets, one's hands seized slimy 
jelly; it slipped through one's fingers only to collect again 
in the next moment. If one smote one of them so thoroughly 
that, with the bystanders watching, he could but agree, and 
if one thus thought he had advanced at least one step, one 
was greatly astonished the following day. The Jew did not 
in the least remember the day before, he continued to talk 
in the same old strain as if nothing had happened, and if 
indignantly confronted, he pretended to be astonished and 
could not remember anything except that his assertions 
had already been proved true the day before. 

Often I was stunned. 

One did not know what to admire more: their glibness of 
tongue or their skill in .lying. 

I gradually began to hate them. 


All this had one good side: in the measure in which the 
bearers, or at least the propagators, of Social Democracy 
caught my attention, my love for my own people grew. 
Knowing the infernal versatility of these seducers, who 
dared to condemn the unhappy victims? How difficult 
I found it myself to master the dialectical lies of this race! 
How futile was success with people who turned truth into 
untruth, who denied the word that just has been spoken 
only to claim it as their own the very next minute! 

No. The better I learned to know the Jew, the more 1 
had to forgive the worker. 

In my eyes the fault was not his but theirs who did not 
consider it worth while to take pity on him, to give the son 
of the nation what was his due, and to smash the seducer 
and corrupter against the wall. 

Influenced by the experiences of everyday life, I myself 
began to trace the sources of the Marxist doctrine. Its 
workings had become clear to me in detail, my observant 
eye daily watched its success, and with a little imagination 
I was able to picture its consequences. The only remaining 
question was whether its founders imagined the result ot 
their creation in its ultimate form, or whether they them- 
selves were victims of an error. 

In my opinion both were possible. 

On the one hand it was the duty of every thinking human 
being to join the front ranks of the unhappy movement 
to prevent the worst possible disaster; on the other, the 
instigators of this national illness must have been devils 
incarnate; only in the brains 'of a monster not in the 
brains of a human being could the plan for an organiza- 
tion take shape and meaning, an organization whose 
activity must lead to the ultimate collapse of human 
culture and with it the devastation of the world. 

In this case the only remaining salvation was fight; a 
fight with all weapons which the human mind, reason, and 


will power are able to grasp, no matter which side will then 
be favored by Fate. 

Thus I began to make myself acquainted with the found- 
ers of this doctrine, in order to study the principles of the 
movement. The fact that I reached my goal more quickly 
than I dared to hope at first was due to the knowledge I had 
gained of the Jewish question, though at that time it had 
not gone very deep. This alone made possible a practical 
comparison between reality and the theoretical bragging of 
the apostles who founded Social Democracy, as it had 
taught me to understand the language of the people; they 
talk in order to conceal or at least to veil their thoughts; 
their real aim cannot be discovered on the lines, but slum- 
bers well hidden between them. 

This was the time in which the greatest change I was 
ever to experience took place in me. 

From a feeble cosmopolite I had turned into a fanatical 

Only once more it was the last time I was sur- 
rounded with depressing thoughts in my state of deepest 

While thus examining the working of the Jewish race 
over long periods of history, the anxious question suddenly 
occurred to me whether perhaps inscrutable Destiny, for 
reasons unknown to us poor mortals, had not unalterably 
decreed the final victory of this little race? 

Had this race, which always had lived only for this world, 
been promised the world as a reward? 

Have we the right to fight objectively for our self- 
preservation, or is this rooted in us only subjectively? 

While thoroughly studying the Marxist doctrine and by 
looking at the Jewish people's activity with calm clarity, 
Destiny itself gave me the answer. 

The Jewish doctrine of Marxism rejects the aristocratic 
principle in nature; instead of the eternal privilege of force 


and strength, it places the mass of numbers and its dead- 
weight. Thus it denies the value of the individual in man, 
disputes the meaning of nationality and race, depriving 
mankind of the assumption for its existence and culture. 
As the basis of the universe it would lead up to the end of all 
order conceivable to man. And as in this greatest discernible 
organism only chaos could be the result of the application 
of such a law, so on this earth the decline of its inhabitants 
would be the result. 

If, with the help of the Marxian creed, the Jew conquers 
the nations of this world, his crown will become the funeral 
wreath of humanity, and once again this planet, empty of 
mankind, will move through the ether as it did thousands 
of years ago. 

Eternal Nature inexorably revenges the transgressions 
of her laws. 

Therefore, I believe today that I am acting in the sense 
of the Almighty Creator: By warding off the Jews I am 
fighting for the Lord's work. 




f IT IS my conviction today that a man should not take 
any active public part in politics before the age of thirty, 
except in cases of outstanding ability. He should not do 
so because up to that time the formation of a general plat- 
form takes place from which he examines the various 
political problems and defines his own final attitude to- 
wards them. The man who has now matured at least 
mentally may or should take part in the political guidance 
of the community only after reaching a fundamental view 
of life and, with it, a stability of his own way of looking 
at the individual current problems. 

If this is not the case, he runs the risk that some day he 
will have to change his attitude towards vital questions, 
or, despite his better knowledge and belief, to uphold 
points of view which reason and conviction have long since 
rejected. The first case is very embarrassing for him, for 
now personally uncertain, he has no longer the right to 
expect that his followers have the same unshakable belief 
in him as before ; such a reversal on the part of the leader 
brings uncertainty to his followers and frequently a certain 
feeling of embarrassment as regards those they have been 
fighting. But in the second case there may happen what 


we so frequently see today: in the same measure in which 
the leader no longer believes in what he said, his defense 
will be hollow and shallow, and he will be base in his choice 
of means. While he himself no longer thinks seriously of 
defending his political revelations (one does not die for 
something one does not believe in), the demands he makes 
of his followers become greater and more impudent, till 
finally he sacrifices what is left of the leader in order to 
end up as a 'politician' ; that means that kind of man whose 
only real conviction is to have no conviction, combined 
with impudent obtrusiveness and the brazen-faced artful- 
ness of lying. 

If such a fellow, to the misfortune of decent people, be- 
comes a member of a parliament, it should be known from 
the beginning that the meaning of politics for him is only 
the heroic struggle for the feeding bottle for himself and 
his family. The closer his wife and children cling to it, 
the more tenaciously will he stick to his mandate. This 
alone makes all other men with political instincts his 
enemies; in every new movement he suspects the possible 
beginning of the end, and in every man greater than him- 
self he scents the probability of a renewed danger which 
threatens him. 

I will speak of these parliamentary bedbugs in detail 
later on. 

A man of thirty will also have to learn a lot more in the 
course of his life, but this will only be the supplement to, 
and the filling-out of, the frame which his view of life 
places before him. His learning will no longer be a re- 
learning in principle, but an adding to what he has learned, 
and his followers will not have to swallow the oppressing 
feeling that so far he has taught them the wrong ideas; 
on the contrary: the visible organic growth of the leader 
will give them satisfaction, as his learning means only the 
deepening of their own doctrine. This is, in their eyes, 


the proof for the truth of the opinions they have held so 

The leader who has to give up the platform of his general 
view of life because he found that it was wrong only acts 
with decency if he is ready to face the ultimate consequences 
from the realization that his previous views have been 
wrong. In such a case he must for all future times renounce 
at least all public political activity. As he has been already 
once the victim of a basic error, the possibility exists that 
this may happen a second time. On no account is he entitled 
to continue to utilize, or even demand, the confidence of 
his fellow citizens. 

The general profligacy of the cads who today consider 
themselves authorized to 'make' politics hardly lives up 
to his standard of decency. 

Hardly one of them is predestined for this task. 

I restrained myself from appearing in public, though I 
believe that I have occupied myself with politics more 
than many others. I talked of what occupied my mind or 
attracted me only in the narrowest circle. This speaking 
within the most limited frame had many advantages; I 
learned less to 'speak* than to gain an insight into the un- 
believably primitive opinions and arguments of the people. 
Thus I trained myself for my own further education with- 
out losing time or ignoring opportunities. Nowhere in 
Germany was the opportunity for this so favorable as in 
Vienna at that time. < 

The general political thinking in the old Danubian 
monarchy was wider and more comprehensive in scope 
than in the old Germany, except for parts of Prussia, 
Hamburg, and the North Sea coast at that period. By 
'Austria 1 I mean, in this case, that part of the great Habs- 
burg realm which, in consequence of its German coloniza- 


don, not only gave in every respect the original conditions 
for the formation of this State as a whole, but the popula- 
tion of which showed that force that exclusively for many 
centuries was able to give the inner cultural life to this 
artificial formation. The more time advanced, the more 
the existence and the future of this State depended on the 
maintenance of this germ cell of the realm. 

While the old hereditary lands represented the heart 
of the realm which continuously pumped fresh blood into 
the circulatory system of its political and cultural life, 
Vienna combined its brains and will power. 

Even the outward appearance of this city revealed the 
force it required to rule as the uniting queen over this 
conglomerate of nations, so that the splendor of her beauty 
made one forget the signs of approaching age of the whole. 

No matter how much the interior of the realm might 
twitch during the bloody struggles of the various nationali- 
ties, the countries abroad, especially Germany, saw only 
the lovely picture of that city. The delusion was the greater 
as Vienna in those days seemed to rise, perhaps for the last 
time, visibly and higher than before. Under the rule of a 
really ingenious mayor the venerable imperial residence 
of the emperors of the old realm once more awoke to a 
wonderfully young life. Officially, the last great German 
whom the ranks of the colonizing people of the Ostmark 
brought forth was not counted among the so-called 'states* 
men* ; but while Doktor Lueger, as mayor of the 'capital 
and the imperial residential city' of Vienna, produced as 
if by magic one amazing achievement after the other in 
nearly all domains of economic and cultural politics, he 
strengthened the heart of the entire realm, and in this 
roundabout fashion he became a statesman greater than 
all the so-called 'diplomats' of that period put together. 

If nevertheless the conglomeration of the nationalities 
called 'Austria 9 perished in the end, this does not speak 


unfavorably in the least of the political ability of the 
German nationality in the old Ostmark, for it was the in- 
evitable result of the impossibility of trying to safeguard 
permanently with the help of ten million people a State of 
fifty million people of various nationalities, unless definite 
suppositions were established in time. 
The German-Austrian thought in more than large terms, 
He was always accustomed to living within the frame of 
a great realm, and he never lost his understanding for the 
tasks connected with it. He was the only one in this State 
who saw, beyond the boundaries of the narrow crownland, 
the frontiers of the Reich ; even when Destiny finally sepa- 
rated him from the common motherland, he still tried to 
master the enormous task and to guard for the German 
nationality what his forefathers once had wrested from 
the East in never-ending struggles. Whereby one should 
remember that this could only be done with divided energy ; 
for the hearts and the memories of the best men never 
ceased to feel sympathy for the common motherland, and 
only the rest remained to the homeland. 

The German-Austrian's general horizon already was 
comparatively wide. His economic relations frequently 
included almost the entire many-sided realm. Nearly all 
great enterprises were in his hands, he supplied the greater 
part of the leading technical experts and officials. But he 
was also the representative of the foreign trade, as far 
as the Jew had not laid his hands upon this domain which 
had been his of old. As regards politics the German alone 
held the State together. Even the period of the military 
service in the army thrust him far across the narrow borders 
of the homeland. Though the German-Austrian recruit 
might enlist in a German regiment, it might as possibly be 
stationed in Herzegovina as in Vienna or Galicia. The 
officers' corps was still German and so was predominantly 
the body of officials. Finally, art and science were German. 


Apart from the trash of the modern development of art, 
which might just as well have been produced by a Negro 
race, the German was the sole owner and propagator of a 
truly artistic mind. In music, architecture, sculpture, and 
painting, Vienna was the fountain which in inexhaustible 
profusion supplied the entire dual monarchy without ever 
visibly drying up. 

Finally, the German nation was also the pillar of the 
entire field of foreign politics, if one excepted a small 
number of Hungarians. 

Yet every attempt at preserving the realm was in vain, 
since the essentials were missing. 

In the Austrian State of nationalities there was but one 
way by which it could conquer the centrifugal forces of its 
various nations. Either the State was governed from the 
center and organized in the same way internally, or it 
was altogether unthinkable. 

This knowledge dawned on the Very highest 1 authority 
in various enlightened moments, but in most cases it was 
soon forgotten or put aside as being too difficult to be 
carried out. Every idea of giving the realm a more feder- 
alistic form was bound to fail in consequence of the absence 
of a strong germ cell of superior force in the State. To this 
was added the various other internal conditions of the 
Austrian State which in principle differed from those of 
the German Reich of Bismarck. In Germany, the main 
problem was only to overcome political tradition, as there 
always had been a common cultural basis. But the Reich, 
with the exception of a few foreign splinters, possessed only 
members of one race. 

In Austria the situation was the reverse. 

Here the political memory of the various nations' own 
greatness, except for Hungary, was either entirely lacking, 
or it had been wiped out by the sponge of time, or at least 
was blurred and indistinct. To make up for this, in the 


period of the development of the principle of nationalities, 
the various countries began to develop popular forces; the 
conquering of these forces became the more difficult as 
nation-States began to form themselves on the border of 
the monarchy whose people were either similar or racially 
related to the individual Austrian national splinters and 
they were now able to exercise a greater force of attraction 
than that possible to the German -Austrian. 

Even Vienna was not able to keep up this fight in the 
long run. 

With Budapest's development into a capital, Vienna 
was for the first time faced with a rival whose task was no 
longer the concentration of the entire monarchy, but rather 
the strengthening of one of its parts. After a short time 
Prague was to follow this example, then came Lemberg, 
Laibach, etc. With the rise of these one-time provincial 
towns to national capitals of the individual countries, 
there were now also formed centers for a growing independ- 
ent cultural life. It was only through this that the national 
political instincts now received their spiritual foundation 
and depth. Thus the time was bound to come when the 
driving forces of the individual nationalities became more 
powerful than the force of their combined interests, and 
then Austria would be done for. 

Since the death of Joseph II, the course of this develop- 
ment could be distinctly traced. Its speed depended on a 
series of factors which were partly rooted in the monarchy 
itself, but which were, on the other hand, the results of the 
position of the realm in foreign politics. 

If the struggle for the preservation of the State was to 
be taken up seriously and fought to a finish, a ruthless and 
persistent centralization alone could lead to the goal. But 
the homogeneity was to be stressed by the establishment 
in principle of a uniform State language, while the admin- 
istration was to be given the technical instrument without 


which such a State simply cannot exist. Only then could 
permanent uniform State consciousness be cultivated 
through schools and education. This could not be achieved 
in the course of ten or twenty years; one had to count on 
centuries, as in all questions of colonization persistency 
plays a more important rdle than the energy of the moment. 

That the administration and the political guidance have 
then to be carried out in strict uniformity is obvious. 

It is now very enlightening for me to establish why this 
did not happen, or rather, why it had not been done. Only 
he who was guilty of this omission was also guilty of the 
collapse of the realm. 

Old Austria, more than any other State, depended on 
the greatness of its leaders. Here the foundation of the 
national State was missing, which always possesses a power 
of preservation in its national basis, no matter how weak 
the leaders may be. The uniformly national State, thanks 
to the inherent indolence of its inhabitants and the powers 
of resistance connected with it, can sometime sustain itself 
for astoundingly long periods of incompetent administration 
or government, without thereby destroying its internal 
existence. Often it seems as though there were no more 
life in such a body, as though it were dead and done for, 
till suddenly the supposedly dead rises again and gives the 
rest of mankind astonishing proofs of its imperishable 
force of life. 

It is different, however, with a realm which is not com- 
posed of similar nationalities and which is not kept to- 
gether by common blood but by a common fist. Here 
every weakness of the leadership will not cause the State 
to hibernate, but it will cause an awakening of all individual 
instincts which are present by virtue of blood and race, 
but which have no chance of developing in times of pre- 
dominating will power. Only centuries of common educa- 
tion, common tradition, common interests, etc.. can miti- 


gate this danger. Therefore such State formations, the 
younger they are the more will they depend on the compe- 
tence of the leadership; even if they are the works of men 
of overwhelming force and of spiritual heroes, they will 
fall to pieces after the death of their one great founder. 
But even after centuries these dangers cannot be regarded 
as overcome; they merely slumber, and often awake quite 
suddenly as soon as the weakness of the common leader- 
ship, the force of education, and the sublimity of all tradi- 
tions are no longer able to overcome the sweep of the in- 
dividual vital instinct of the various tribes. 

The failure to understand this is perhaps the tragic guilt 
of the House of Habsburg. 

For only one of them did Fate uphold the torch over the 
future of his country, then it was extinguished forever. 

Joseph II, Roman Emperor of the German Nation, saw 
with trembling fear that his house, pushed toward the 
most remote corner of the realm, was bound to disappear 
in the maelstrom of a Babylon of nationalities unless the 
shortcomings of his forefathers were made good in the 
eleventh hour. This 'friend of man' opposed with super- 
human force the neglect of his ancestors and tried to 
recover, in the course of a decade, what centuries had let 

Joseph II (1765-1790) was actuated by a desire to strengthen 
the power of Austria, and believed the means to be adopted 
were a strong central government and a policy of Germaniza- 
tion. The official language was to be German; the Church was 
to be subordinated to the State, its servants being treated as 
dependent on the government in the normal sense of the civil 
service; and the universities were to teach, in the German lan- 
guage, whatever would serve to produce a well-trained official. 
These policies embroiled Austria in cultural strife of so serious 
an import that most of Joseph's laws were abrogated before 
his death. 


slip by. Had he been granted forty years for his work, and 
had only two generations continued after him to carry out 
what he had begun, then the miracle would probably have 
been achieved. But when he died after a reign of hardly 
ten years, worn out in body and soul, his work was en- 
tombed with him never to be awakened again and went to 
sleep in the crypt of the Capucins forever. 

His followers were unequal to the task, either in spirit 
or in will power. 

When the first revolutionary flashes of lightning of a 
new era flamed through Europe, Austria also began gradu- 
ally to catch fire. But when at last the fire broke out, it 
was fanned not so much by social or general political causes, 
but rather by impulsive forces of national origin. 

The revolution of the year 1848 may have been a class 
war everywhere else, but in Austria it was the beginning of 
a new race struggle. The German, forgetting or not ac- 
knowledging his origin, sealed his own doom by entering 
into the service of the revolutionary movement. He helped 
in awakening the spirit of Western Democracy which after 
a short time deprived him of the foundation of his own 

The foundation stone for the end of the German nation- 
ality's domination in the monarchy was laid by the forma- 
tion of a parliamentary body of representatives without the 
establishment and the solidification of a common State 
language. But from this moment on the State itself was 
doomed. Everything that now followed was only the 
historical liquidation of a realm. 

It was as shocking as it was instructive to trace this 
dissolution. This execution of an historical sentence was 
carried out in thousands and thousands of individual 
forms. That the gods willed the destruction of Austria 
was proved by the fact that a goodly part of the people 
marched blindly through the signs of decline. 


I do not wish to lose myself in details, as that is not the 
purpose of this book. I want to include in the circle of 
closer observation only those events which are the constant 
causes of the decline of nations and States and which 
possess significance for our era as well, and which finally 
helped to guard the principles of my political thought. 

Among the institutions which might have revealed the 
disintegration of the Austrian monarchy, to the bourgeoisie 
who were not blessed with very sharp eyes, was one which 
should have chosen strength as its greatest quality the 
parliament, or, as it is called in Austria, the Reichsrat. 

Obviously, the example for this body was situated in 
England, the country of classical 'Democracy. 1 The entire 
blissful arrangement was transplanted from that country 
to Vienna with as little change as possible. 

The English two-chamber system celebrated its resur- 
rection in the Abgeordnetenhaus and the Herrenhaus. 
Only the 'houses' themselves were somewhat different. 
When Barry's Houses of Parliament reared themselves out 
of the waters of the Thames, he thrust his hand into the 
history of the British Empire and drew from it the decora- 
tions for the twelve hundred niches, consoles, and pillars 
of this magnificent building. Thus in sculpture and paint- 
ing the House of Lords and the Commons became the 
temple of the nation's glory. 

This was the first difficulty Vienna encountered. When 
the Danish Hansen had completed the last pinnacle on 
the marble building of the new diet, he had no choice but 
to borrow decorations from the ancient Greeks and Ro- 
mans. Roman and Greek statesmen and philosophers now 
embellish this theater building of 'Western Democracy,' 
and on top of the two houses, in symbolical irony, the 
quadrigae [sic] pull away from each other towards the four 


corners of the globe, thus giving the truest external expres- 
sion of what was then going on internally. 

The 'nationalities' considered the glorification of Austrian 
history in this work an insult and a provocation, just as in 
the Reich proper one did not dare to consecrate Wallot's 
building, the Reichstag, to the German people until the 
thunder of the World War's battles roared. 

I was not quite twenty years old when I went for the 
first time into the magnificent building on the Franzenring, 
in order to attend a meeting of the House of Deputies as a 
spectator and auditor, and I was filled with the most 
contradictory feelings. 

I had always hated the parliament, yet not at all as an 
institution in itself. On the contrary, as a liberal thinking 
man I could not imagine any other possible form of govern- 
ment, for my attitude towards the House of Habsburg 
being what it was, I would have considered any kind of 
dictatorship a crime against all liberty and reason. 

In consequence of my thorough reading of newspapers 
in my youth, I had been inoculated with a certain admira- 
tion for the English parliament, although I probably did 
not suspect it, and this fact, which I was not able to give 
up so easily, contributed not a little to my attitude. The 
dignity with which there the House of Commons devoted 
itself to its task our press know how to describe it so 
nicely made a great impression on me. Was there a 
more dignified form of self-government of a nation any- 

For this very reason, however, I was an enemy of the 
Austrian parliament. In my opinion the entire form of its 
behavior was unworthy of its great prototype. But now the 
following was added : 

The fate of the German nationality in the Austrian State 
was dependent on its position in the Reichsrat. Up to the 
introduction of general suffrage and the secret ballot, a 


German majority existed in parliament, insignificant though 
it was. But this condition was precarious, for Social De- 
mocracy, with its unreliable attitude, always turned against 
the German interests so as not to estrange the followers of 
the individual foreign nationalities whenever critical 
questions concerning the German nationality were in- 
volved. Social Democracy could not be considered a 
German party even at that time. With the introduction 
of general suffrage, the German numerical superiority ceased 
to exist. Now the last obstacle to the de-Germanization 
of the State was removed. 

For this reason my national instinct of self-preservation 
did not inspire me with any love, for a representation of 
the people by which the German nationality was never 
'represented* but always 'betrayed.' But like so many 
other things, these were faults that were not due to the 
matter itself, but were to be attributed to the Austrian 
State. In those days, I still believed that with the re- 
establishment of the German majority in the representative 
bodies I would no longer have any reason for objections on 
general principles, as long as the old State continued to exist. 

With all this in mind, I entered for the first time the 
sacred and much-disputed rooms. For me, however, they 
were only sacred because of the sublime beauty of the 
magnificent building. It was a Hellenic miracle on German 

But how indignant I was, even after a short time, when 
seeing the miserable comedy that was going on before my 

t Several hundred of these representatives of the people 
were present who at that moment had to decide about a 
question of important economic significance. 

The first day sufficed to give me food for thought for 
many weeks. 

The spiritual content of what was said was on a truly 


depressing 'high level/ as far as the talk was at all intel- 
ligible; for some of the gentlemen did not speak German, 
but their Slavic mother tongue or rather dialects. What I 
had only known from reading the papers, I now had an 
opportunity of hearing with my own ears. It was a gesticu- 
lating mass, shrieking in all keys, wildly stirred, presided 
over by a good-natured old uncle who, by the sweat of his 
brow, tried to re-establish the dignity of the House by 
violently ringing a bell and by alternately kind and earnest 

I could not help laughing. 

A few weeks later I was again in the House. The picture 
had changed, it was hardly recognizable. The hall was 
empty. Down below everybody was sleeping. Some of 
the deputies were in their seats and yawned at each other, 
one of them 'spoke.' A vice-president of the House was 
present, looking around the hall, visibly bored. 

My first doubts arose. Now, whenever time permitted, 
I went there repeatedly, and quietly and attentively 
watched the scene of the moment, listened to the speeches 
as far as they were intelligible, studied the more or less 
intelligent faces of those elect of the nations of this de- 
plorable State and gradually I formed my own opinions. 

One year of this quiet observation sufficed to change, 
or to wipe out entirely, my former opinion of the nature of 
this institution. Now my mind no longer objected to this 
misshapen form which this idea had assumed in Austria; 
no, now indeed I was no longer able to accept parliament 
as such. So far I had seen the misfortune of the Austrian 
parliament in the absence of a German majority, but now 
I saw its doom in the makeup and nature of this institution 

Quite a number of questions occurred to me at that time. 

I began to familiarize myself with the democratic prin- 
ciple of decision by a majority as the basis of this entire 


institution, but I paid no less attention to the spiritual 
and moral values of the gentlemen, who, chosen by the 
nation, were supposed to serve this purpose. 

Thus I learned to know the institution, and at the same 
time, its representatives. 

In "the course of a few years, therefore, my knowledge 
and realization created the type of the most dignified 
representative of modern times with plastic clarity: the 
parliamentarian. He began to make an impression on me in 
a form which never again underwent a fundamental change. 

This time, also, practical reality with its object lessons 
had guarded me against suffocating in a theory which at 
first sight appears so tempting to many people, but which 
nevertheless must be counted among the symptoms of the 
decay of mankind. < 

Democracy of the West today is the forerunner of 
Marxism, which would be inconceivable without it. It is 
democracy alone which furnishes this universal plague 
with the soil in which it spreads. In parliamentarianism, 
its outward form of expression, democracy created a 
'monstrosity of filth and fire' (Spottgeburt aus Dreck und 
Feuer) in which, to my regret, the 'fire' seems to have 
burned out for the moment. 

I have to be more than thankful to Fate that it also 
made me examine this question while I was still in Vienna, 
for I feel that had I been in Germany I would have found 
the answer too easily. Had I become acquainted with this 
ridiculous institution called 'parliament' for the first time 
in Berlin, I probably would have gone to the opposite 
extreme and would have joined the side of those who see 
the salvation of the nation and the Reich in the exclusive 
promotion of the Imperial power alone, and who thus 
blindly and incomprehensibly confront mankind and the 

In Austria this was impossible. 


Here it was not so easy to fall from one mistake into 
another. If parliament was worth nothing, the Habsburgs 
were worth still less, certainly no more. Here the rejec- 
tion of 4 parliamentarianism ' alone would not do ; for then 
the question, 'What now?' still remained. The rejection 
and abolition of the Reichsrat would have left the House 
of Habsburg as the sole governmental power, and this 
idea was especially unbearable to me. 

The difficulty of this special case led me to a more 
thorough consideration of the problem as a whole than 
would otherwise have taken place at such an early age. 

First and most of all that which gave me food for thought 
was the visible lack of responsibility on the part of any 
single individual. 

Parliament makes a decision the consequences of which 
may be ever so devastating nobody is responsible for 

Hitler's argument is: the Germans of 1848 were led to water 
the principles which had guided their absolutistic leaders with 
'western democracy/ The essence of this democracy is (he 
holds) the grant of the right of franchise and representation 
to all citizens, with the result that an outlet is provided for the 
hitherto suppressed cravings of the masses. These want, how- 
ever, constantly to improve their lot, and so demand from 
rather than give to the State. Marxism is the theory which 
most effectively and audaciously sponsors the needs of the 
largest and most destitute group, and therefore the movement 
which exacts most from the State. In Austria the Socialists were 
particularly reprehensible because their relentless champion- 
ing of the class struggle obliterated ' national ' boundaries and 
therewith weakened the position of the Empire's rightful rulers, 
the Germans. In Germany the strength of democracy, symbol- 
ized by the Reichstag, was far less impressive. This Reichstag 
had some rights of importance, but waged a continuous struggle 
to exercise them as a matter of fact. If Hitler had been in 
Berlin, therefore, he might possibly have been content with the 


it, nobody can ever be called to account. For, does it mean 
assuming responsibility if, after an unheard-of collapse, 
the guilty government resigns? Or if the coalition changes, 
or even if parliament dissolves itself? 

Is it at all possible to make a wavering majority of 
people ever responsible? 

Is not the very idea of all responsibility closely con- 
nected with the individual? 

Is it practically possible to make the leading person of a 
government liable for actions, the development and execu- 
tion of which are to be laid exclusively to the account of 
the will and the inclination of a large number of men? 

Or must not the task of the leading statesman be seen 
in the birth of a creative idea or plan in itself, rather than 
in the ability to make the ingenuity of his plans under- 
stand taken by the Conservatives and as a consequence never 
have seen that salvation can come only from a dictatorship. 

Compare his statement at the Niirnberg Party Conference 
of 1935 : 'To build up the public service and the army in accord- 
ance with the law of personal responsibility and at the same 
time to fashion the general political direction of the State 
according to the principles of parliamentary democracy 
that is, of irresponsibility is bound to prove impossible. 
The democratic state, in its insecurity, proved helpless against 
the onslaughts of Bolshevistic Judaism. Confronted with this 
danger, monarchy was found to be equally ineffectual. So were 
the Christian confessions.' 

Elaborate theories of totalitarianism have since been devel- 
oped in number by German professors and writers. It may be 
doubted, however, whether they have more than an academic 
significance. On the other hand, Hitler's criticism of democracy 
as powerless to ward off Bolshevism had a profound effect 
upon the thinking of the middle classes. It is clear from the 
German newspapers of 1931 that many had begun to think 
that the only choice remaining to them was one between 


standable to a flock of sheep and empty-heads for the pur- 
pose of begging for their gracious consent? 

fls this the criterion of a statesman that he masters 
the art of persuasion to the same extent as that of the 
diplomatic shrewdness in the choice of great lines of direc- 
tion or decision? 

Is the inability of a leader proved by the fact that he 
does not succeed in winning the majority of a crowd of 
people for a certain idea, dumped together by more or 
less fine accidents? 

Has this crowd ever been able to grasp an idea before 
its success was proclaimed by its greatness? 

Is not every ingenious deed in this world the visible 
protest of genius against the inertia of the masses? 

But what is the statesman to do who does not succeed 
in winning, by flattery, the favor of this crowd for his plans? 

Is he to buy it? 

Or is he now, considering the stupidity of his fellow 
citizens, to give up the carrying-out of the tasks he recog- 
nizes as of vital importance, or is he to retire, or should 
he still remain? 

Does not, in such a case, a real character find himself 
in an inextricable dilemma between knowledge and de- 
cency, or rather honest conviction? 

Where is the border that separates duty towards the 
community from the obligations of personal honor? 

Must not every real leader refuse to be degraded in such 
a way to the level of a political profiteer? 

And must not, on the other hand, every profiteer feel 

Mussolini and Stalin. This feeling grew until the carefully 
planned Reichstag fire (both Centrist ex-Chancellors, Dr. Wirth 
and Dr Brtining, declared in public addresses a few days after 
the event that it had been carefully planned) of 1933 made 
large groups of voters feel that Communism was upon them. 


himself called on to 'make 1 politics, as it is not he who 
bears the ultimate responsibility, but rather some incom- 
prehensible crowd? 

Must not our parliamentary principle of the majority 
lead to the demolition of the idea of leadership as a whole? 

Or does one believe that the progress of the world has 
originated in the brains of majorities and not in the head 
of an individual? 

Or are we of the opinion that in the future we can do 
without this preliminary presumption of human culture? 

Does it not, on the contrary, appear more necessary 
today than ever before? << 

The parliamentary principle of decision by majority, by 
denying the authority of the person and placing in its 
stead the number of the crowd in question, sins against 
the aristocratic basic idea of Nature, whose opinion of 
aristocracy, however, need in no way be represented by 
the present-day decadence of our Upper Ten Thousand. 

The reader of Jewish newspapers can hardly imagine the 
devastation which results from this institution of modern 
democratic parliamentary rule, unless he has learned to 
think and examine for himself. It is above all the cause 
of the terrible flooding of the entire political life with the 
most inferior products of our time. No matter how far 
the true leader withdraws from political activity, which 
to a great extent does not consist of creative work and 
achievement, but rather of bargaining and haggling for the 
favor of a majority, this very activity, however, will agree 
with and attract the people of low mentality. 

The more dwarfish the mentality and the abilities of 
such a present-day leather merchant are, the more clearly 
his knowledge makes him conscious of the wretchedness of 
his actual appearance, the more will he praise a system 
that does not demand of him the strength and the genius 
of a giant, but rather which calls for the cunning of a 


village chief or which even prefers this kind of wisdom to 
that of a Pericles. Such a simpleton need never worry 
about the responsibility of his actions. He is relieved of 
this care for the reason that he knows, no matter what the 
result of his 'statesmanlike' bungling may be, that his 
end has long been predicted by the stars; some day he 
will have to make room for another, an equally great mind. 
It is, among other things, a symptom of such a decline 
that the number of great statesmen increases in the meas- 
ure in which the competence of the individual one de- 
creases. With increasing dependence on parliamentary 
majorities, he is bound to shrink, for great minds will 
refuse to serve as bailiff for stupid good-for-nothings and 
babblers, and on the other hand, the representatives of the 
majority, that is, of stupidity, hate nothing more ardently 
than a superior mind. 

For such an assembly of wise men of Gotham, it is 
always a comforting feeling to know that they are headed 
by a leader whose wisdom corresponds to the mentality 
of the assembly; for, is it not pleasant to let one's intellect 
flash forth from time to time, and finally, if Smith can be 
master, why not Jones also? 

This invention of democracy most closely conforms to 
a quality which lately has developed into a crying shame, 
that is, the cowardice of a great part of our so-called 
'leaders.' How fortunate to be able to hide, whenever 
decisions of importance are involved, behind the coat-tails 
of a so-called majority! 

One has only to watch such a political footpad to see 
how he anxiously begs for the consent of the majority for 
every action so that he may secure the necessary accom- 
plices, so as to be able to cast off responsibility at any 
time. But this is one of the chief reasons why such political 
activity is loathsome and hateful to a really decent, and 
therefore courageous, man, while it is attractive to all 


wretched characters and he who is not willing personally 
to assume the responsibility for his acts, but looks for 
cover, is a cowardly wretch. As soon as the leaders of a 
nation consist of such wretched fellows, vengeance will 
follow soon after. One will no longer be able to manifest 
the courage for decisive action; one would undergo any 
humiliating dishonor rather than make up one's mind ; be- 
cause there is nobody who is ready to risk his person and 
his head for the carrying-out of a ruthless decision. 

One thing we must and may never forget: here, too, a 
majority can never replace the Man. It is not only always 
a representative of stupidity, but also of cowardice. Just 
as a hundred fools do not make one wise man, an heroic 
decision is not likely to come from a hundred cowards. 

The easier the responsibility of the individual leader is, 
the more will the number of those grow who, even with the 
most wretched dimensions, will feel called upon to put 
their immortal energies at the disposal of the nation. Yes, 
they can hardly await their turn; lined up in a long queue, 
they count the number of those waiting ahead of them 
with sorrowful regret, and they figure out the hour when in 
all human probability their turn will come. Therefore, they 
long for every change in the office they aspire to, and are 
grateful for every scandal that thins out the ranks ahead 
of them. But if one of them refuses to vacate the place 
he has taken, they almost consider it a breach of the sacred 
agreement of mutual solidarity. Then they become vin- 
dictive, and do not rest till the impudent fellow, finally 
overthrown, puts his warm place at the disposition of the 
community. He will not regain his place quite so soon. 
For as soon as one of these creatures has been forced to give 
up his post, he will again try to push himself into the rows 
of the 'waiting,' provided he is not prevented from doing 
so by the outcry and the abuse of the others. 

The result of all this is the terrifyingly rapid change in 


the most important positions and offices in such a State 
entity, a result which is unfavorable in any case, but which 
sometimes is even catastrophic. But now not only the 
stupid and inefficient will be victims to this custom, but 
even more so the true leader, provided Fate is able at al! 
to place him in that position. Once this has been realized, 
a united front of defense will be formed, especially if such 
a head, not originating from the ranks, nevertheless tries 
to force his way into this sublime society. They want to 
be by themselves on general principles, and hate a head, 
which could turn out to be number one among all these 
naughts, as a common enemy. In this direction the instinct 
is the sharper, no matter how much it may lack in other 

Thus the consequence will be an ever-increasing intel- 
lectual impoverishment of the leading classes. Anyone can 
judge what the results will be for the nation and the State 
if he does not personally belong to this kind of 'leaders.' 
fOld Austria already had parliamentary government in 
its purest breeding. 

Of course, it was the emperor and king who appointed 
the prime minister, but this appointing was nothing but 
the carrying-out of the parliamentary will. The bargaining 
and trading for the individual ministers' offices, however, 
was Western Democracy of the purest water. The results, 
of course, were in keeping with the principles applied. The 
change of personalities especially took place in even shorter 
periods of time, till finally it would become a regular chase. 
Also, the intellectual dimensions of the occasional 'states- 
men' shrank more and more, till finally there remained 
only that small type of parliamentary profiteers whose 
value as statesmen was measured and acknowledged ac- 
cording to the ability with which they succeeded in pasting 
together the coalition of the moment ; that means carrying 
out the smallest political trading transactions which alone 


are able to justify the suitability of these representatives 
for practical action. 

Thus the Viennese school rendered the best insight in 
these fields. 

I was attracted no less by the comparison between the 
abilities and knowledge of these people's representatives 
and the tasks awaiting them. Whether one wanted to or 
not, one had to inspect more closely the intellectual horizon 
of these elected ones of the nations, whereby one could 
not avoid also paying the attention necessary to those 
events which led to the discovery of these magnificent 
specimens of our public life. 

Also the way and the manner in which the real abilities 
of these gentlemen were applied and put in the service 
of the fatherland, which is the technical side of their ac- 
tivities, was worthy of being examined and closely scruti- 

The entire picture of parliamentary life became the more 
miserable the more one decided to penetrate into these 
internal situations and to study basic facts with ruthless 
and sharp objectivity. Indeed, one may apply this method 
towards an institution which leads one to point, by its 
supports, to this very 'objectivity 1 as the only justified 
basis for examination and defining of attitude. Therefore, 
one had better examine these gentlemen and the laws of 
their bitter existence, and the result will be surprising. 

There is no principle looked at objectively that is as 
wrong as the parliamentary principle. 

Here we must also disregard entirely the manner in 
which the people's representatives are elected, and how 
as a whole, they attain their offices and their new ranks. 
That only the smallest fraction of the common will or need 
is fulfilled here must be apparent to anyone who realizes 
that the political understanding of the great masses is not 
sufficiently developed for them to arrive at certain general 


political opinions by themselves and to select suitable 
persons. < 

What we mean by the word 'public opinion 1 depends 
only to the smallest extent on the individual's own ex- 
periences or knowledge, and largely on an image, frequently 
created by a penetrating and persistent sort of so-called 
1 enlightenment.' 

Just as confessional orientation is the result of education, 
and religious need, as such, slumbers in the mind of man, 
so the political opinion of the masses represents only the 
final result of a sometimes unbelievably tough and thor- 
ough belaboring of soul and mind. 

By far the greatest bulk of the political 'education,' 
which in this case one may rightly define with the word 
1 propaganda,' is the work of the press. It is the press above 
all else that carries out this 'work of enlightenment,' thus 
forming a sort of school for adults. This instruction, how- 
ever, does not rest in the hand of the State, but partly in 
the claws of very inferior forces. As a very young man in 
Vienna, I had the very best opportunity of becoming 
really acquainted with the owners and spiritual producers 
of this machine for educating the masses. At the beginning 
I was astonished how short a time it took this most evil of 
all the great powers in the State to create a certain opinion, 
even if this involved complete falsification of the wishes 
or opinions in the minds of the public. In the course of a 
few days a ridiculous trifle was turned into an affair of 
State, whereas, at the same time, problems of vital im- 
portance were dropped into general oblivion, or rather f 
were stolen from the minds and the memory of the masses. 

So they succeeded, in the course of a few weeks, in con- 
juring up some names out of nothing and attaching incred- 
ible hopes to them on the part of the great public, in even 
giving them a popularity which the really important man 
may never attain during his whole lifetime; names which. 


in addition, nobody had even heard of only a month before, 
whereas at the same time old and trustworthy representa- 
tives of public or political life, though in the bloom of 
health, simply died in the minds of their contemporaries, or 
they were showered with such wretched abuses that soon 
their names were in danger of becoming the symbol of 
villainy and rascality. It is necessary to study this infa- 
mous Jewish method with which they simultaneously and 
from all directions, as at a given magic word, pour bucket- 
fuls of the basest calumnies and defamation over the clean 
garb of honest people, in order to appreciate the entire 
danger of these rascals of the press. 

Then, too, there is hardly anything which does not suit 
the purposes of such an intellectual robber baron in order 
to reach his end. 

Then he spys into the most secret family affairs and 
does not rest till his truffle-searching instinct finds some 
trifling event destined to bring about the unfortunate 
victim's fall. But even if the most thorough nosing about 
does not stir up anything at all in his victim's public or 
private life, then such a fellow will turn to calumny with 
the firm conviction that not only something of it will stick 
to his victim, despite thousandfold refutation, but that, 
in consequence of the hundredfold repetition of the calum- 
nies by all his accomplices, the victim is in most cases 

\ The propagandistic usefulness of snooping around in the 
private lives of opponents was recognized early by anti- 
clericals in Austria, and the lesson has not been lost on the 
Nazis. The Volkischer Beobachter (Hitler's official daily) and 
its immediate predecessors, Dietrich Eckart's Auf gut Deutsch, 
reveled in stories purporting to be based on the private lives 
of wealthier Jews. The terrain was later extended to take in 
the secret orgies of the Republic's officials, the Nacktbatt (dance 
in the nude) being a specialty. Gradually Julius Streicher's 


unable to fight it; the motives of these scoundrels are never 
those which would be comprehensible or credible to others. 
God forbid! Such a rascal, by attacking the rest of his 
dear contemporary world in such an infamous fashion, 
wraps himself, like a cuttlefish, in a cloud of decency and 
unctuous phrases; he talks of 'journalistic' duty and simi- 
lar mendacious stuff; he even goes so far that during ses- 
sions and congresses occasions when one sees this plague 
assembled in greater numbers he twaddles of a special, 
that is, journalistic, "honor/ of which the assembled rascals 
bumptiously assure one another. 

This rabble, however, manufactures more than two- 
thirds of the so-called 'public' opinion, and out of its foam 
rises the parliamentary Aphrodite. 

One would have to write volumes to describe this pro- 
cedure correctly in its entire mendacity and untruthful- 
ness. However, if one leaves this out of account, and 

Sturmer outdistanced all rivals, becoming the world's champion 
illustration in pornographic defamation. More important, no 
doubt, was the use to which records taken from Catholic dio- 
cesan and monastic archives were put after 1934. Hundreds 
of trials for 'immorality' brought priests, religious, and lay- 
folk to court. Many were declared guilty; and even the inno- 
cent found themselves under a permanent cloud by reason of 
the difficulty with which such charges can be refuted. One 
amusing instance of how such stories were spread concerns 
Walther Rathenau, Foreign Minister in the Wirth Cabinet. 
He gave a dinner one evening for eighteen diplomats; and the 
next morning a very correct and honorable official came to call 
on the Chancellor. 'I regret having to warn Your Excellency 
against Heir Rathenau/ he said. 'But it is shocking last 
night he dined with eighteen naked ladies.' 4 I know all about 
it,' Dr. Wirth replied, 'I was there myself. But come into the 
next room and meet some of the ladies.' The surprised official 
was then introduced to half a dozen diplomats. 


looking only at the resulting product together with its 
activity, it should suffice that the objective lunacy of this 
institution would dawn on even the most orthodox 

It will be easiest to understand this absurd and danger- 
ous human error if one compares the democratic parliamen- 
tarianism with true Germanic democracy. 

The characteristic of the first is that a number of say 
five hundred, men and recently also women, are elected, 
who are entrusted with the final decision on everything. 
They alone practically represent the government, for 
though they elect the cabinet which to all outward appear- 
ances seems to take on the guidance of the State's affairs, 
this is nevertheless mere pretense. In reality, this so-called 
government cannot take one step without having first 

These passages reflect dissatisfaction with parliamentary in- 
stitutions as the foes of the Republic saw them after 1918. 
The German Reichstag was during these years probably the 
intellectual and moral equal of any parliament in the world. 
Yet, apart from the difficulties with which it was steadily con- 
fronted and which naturally added little to its popularity, it 
was handicapped by the fact that, when compared with the 
gentry and nobility who had ruled before the War, its spokes- 
men and ministers were 'little people.' Even Ernst Trdltsch, 
a great scholar and in his way a democrat, could not avoid that 
feeling. Newspapers loyal to the Republic could jest that there 
was hardly a man in the government who knew how to enter- 
tain at dinner. Nothing worse could be said about Matthias 
Erzberger, who signed the armistice and then became Minister 
of Finance, than that he had been 'only a school-teacher'; 
and few were honestly proud that Friedrich Ebert had once 
worked as a saddler. The result was that many honest parlia- 
mentarians especially among the Social Democrats suf- 
fered from what is often termed an inferiority complex. After 
the depression of 1929 set in, these feelings were intensified and 


obtained the consent of the general assembly. Therefore, 
it cannot be held responsible for anything at all, as it is 
not the government which has the ultimate decision, but 
the majority of parliament. In all cases, therefore, the 
government is only the executive of the will of the major- 
ity. We could judge its political ability only by the skill it 
shows either in adapting itself to the will of the majority, 
or in winning it over. But then it sinks from the height of 
a real government to that of a beggar appealing to the 
majority. Its most important task now consists of securing 
either the favor of the majority, from case to case, or of 
taking upon itself the formation of a more gracious new 
majority. If it succeeds in this, then it may continue to 
'rule* for a short time longer, but if it does not, it must go. 
Whether its intentions are right or not is of no consequence. 

mixed with hatred. The petty sums received by the 'little men ' 
as delegates to the Reichstag were magnified into fabulous 
salaries; and many were afraid to go to the theater lest they be 
accused of undue prodigality. But after the Nazis came to 
power, all was different. During 1937, Dr. Goebbels authorized 
a film showing his beautiful new villa and its lawns. The re- 
ception was so bad that the picture had to be withdrawn. 
Thereupon Der Angriff, Goebbels's newspaper, denounced all 
those who * muttered around ' that the Nazis were now strutting 
about in the top hats they had found so reprehensible on the 
heads of their predecessors. 'These critics forget/ the com- 
mentator wrote, ' that those we once stigmatized were skunks . . . 
while those who now represent the State are men who have 
achieved a great deal in four years. An American delegation 
cannot be asked to dine on sausage and sauerkraut by people 
going around in their shirtsleeves. They must be entertained 
as they are accustomed to being entertained, for we expect 
them to put in a good word for us when they return home. 
That is why we wear top hats and cutaways. That is also why 
we build villas/ 


fBut with this all responsibility is practically excluded. 

To what consequences this now leads follows from a 
quite simple consideration : 

The internal composition of a group of these five hundred 
representatives, measured according to profession or abil- 
ities of the individual, gives a picture that is as confused 
as it is pitiful. For one cannot expect that these elected 
ones of the nation are also the elect of intellect or even of 
common sense! And I hope that one does not think that 
from the ballots cast by a body of voters which is anything 
but clever, the statesmen will come forth by hundreds! 
On the whole, one cannot contradict too sharply the 
absurd opinion that men of genius are born out of general 
elections. First, there is only one real ' statesman ' once in 
a blue moon in one nation and not a hundred or more at a 
time; and second, the masses' aversion to every superior 
genius is an instinctive one. It is easier for a camel to go 
through the eye of a needle than that a great man is 'dis- 
covered ' in an election. 

What really stands out of the norm of the great masses 
generally personally announces its arrival in world history. 

So that it is five hundred men of more than modest com- 
petence who vote on the most important concerns of the 
nation; they appoint governments which, in turn, in each 
single case and in each special question, have to obtain the 
consent of the illustrious assembly, and thus politics are 
actually made by five hundred men. 

And it usually looks like it, too. 

Even when not speaking of the genius of these people's 
representatives, one should consider the different kind of 
problems awaiting solution and how widely spread the 
fields are in which solutions and decisions are to be made, 
and one will well understand how unfit this form of govern- 
ment must be for this task which puts the right of final 
decisions into the hands of a mass assembly of people, of 


whom only a small portion has the knowledge and experi- 
ence required by the affairs under consideration. Thus the 
most important economic measures are brought before a 
forum, while only one-tenth of its members can evidence 
any economic training. This means nothing short of plac- 
ing the final decision of affairs into the hands of men who 
entirely lack all qualification for this task. 

This is also the case with all other questions. They 
will always be decided by a majority of ignoramuses and 
incompetents, since the composition of this institution re- 
mains unchanged, while the problems to be dealt with 
extend to nearly all fields of public life, and therefore would 
require a continuous change of the deputies who have to 
judge and to decide them. It is indeed impossible to permit 
affairs of transportation to be passed upon by the same 
people who deal with a question, let us say, of high foreign 
politics. Indeed, they would all have to be universal gen- 
iuses, such hardly as come forth once in centuries. Un- 
fortunately, in most cases they are not at all ' heads, ' but 
narrow-minded, vainglorious, and arrogant amateurs, an 
intellectual demi-monde of the worst kind. From this there 
often results the inconceivable carelessness with which 
these gentlemen discuss and decide on affairs which would 
give even the greatest minds cause for careful reflection. 
Measures of the gravest importance for the future of an 
entire State, even of a nation, are taken, as though a hand 
of Schqffkopf [a game of cards especially popular in Southern 
Germany] or taroc, which would certainly suit them better, 
were before them on the table and not the fate of a race. 

But it would certainly be unjust to believe that each 
of the deputies of such a parliament was always endowed 
with so slight a feeling of responsibility. 

No, not at all. 

But because this system forces the individual to define 
his attitude towards questions for which he may not be 


suited, it gradually spoils the character. None of them 
would have enough courage to declare: 'Gentlemen, I 
think we don't understand anything about this question. 
At least I can say that with certainty as far as I am con- 
cerned. 1 (Besides, this would hardly make any difference, 
for such honesty would certainly not be understood, and 
they would hardly permit the game to be spoiled by such 
an honest ass.) Those who know human beings will under- 
stand that in such an illustrious society nobody likes to be 
the most stupid, and in certain circles, honesty is synony- 
mous with stupidity. 

Thus a representative, at first still honest, is forced into 
the path of general mendacity and deceit. The very con- 
viction that the individual's non-participation would not 
alter the matter in the least stifles any honest impulse 
which perhaps may rise in one or the other deputy. Finally, 
he will persuade himself that he is not the worst by far 
among the others and that his participation might perhaps 
even prevent greater evil. 

Of course, one will now raise the objection that the indi- 
vidual deputy has actually but little understanding for 
the one or the other matter; that in coming to a decision 
he is advised by the parliamentary faction as the leader of 
the policies of the gentlemen in question ; that this faction 
always has its special committees which are more than 
amply advised by experts. 

At first sight this seems to be correct. Then the question 
would still be: Why does one elect five hundred if only a 
few of them have sufficient wisdom to define their attitudes 
towards the most important matters? 

This, then, was the gist of the matter! [Ja, darinliegt 
eben des Pudels Kern. A paraphrase of a line in Goethe's 
Faust.} * 

It is not the object of our present-day democratic parlia- 
mentarianism to form an assembly of wise men, but rather 


to gather a crowd of mentally dependent ciphers which 
may be more easily led in certain directions, the more lim- 
ited the intelligence of the individual. Only thus can 
parties make politics in the worse sense of the word today. 
Only thus is it also possible that the actual wirepuller is 
able to remain cautiously in the background without ever 
being personally called to account. Because no decision, 
no matter how detrimental it is to the nation, can now be 
charged to the account of a rascal who is in the public eye, 
but it is dumped on the shoulders of an entire faction. 

With this, however, all responsibility is practically re- 
moved, because it can only be the duty of an individual 
and never that of a parliamentary assembly of babblers. 

This institution can be pleasing and valuable only to 
the most mendacious sneaks who carefully shun the light 
of day, whereas it must be loathsome to every honest and 
straightforward fellow who is ready to assume personal 

Therefore, this kind of democracy has become the instru- 
ment of that race which shuns the sunlight because of 
its internal aims, now and for all time. Only the Jew can 
praise an institution that is as dirty and false as he is 


This system is opposed by the true Germanic democracy 
of the free choice of a leader with the latter's obligation to 
take over fully all responsibility for what he does or does 

The legend of the 'freely chosen German leader* was proba- 
bly born in the fertile brain of Houston Stewart Chamberlain, 
a Britisher who became an uncompromising Pan-German dur- 
ing the years preceding 1914 and who buttressed this contention 
with a theory of race superiority derived in part from Count 
Arthur de Gobineau, author of books which attributed the 
success of the 'supermen' of the Renaissance to their 'Aryan' 


not do. There will be no voting by a majority on single 
questions, but only the decision of the individual who backs 
it with his life and all he has. 

If the objection were raised that under such circum- 
stances no one could be found ready to devote himself to 
such a hazardous task, there can be one reply: 

God be thanked, this is just the meaning of Germanic 
democracy, that no unworthy climber or moral shirker can 
come in the back way to rule his fellow citizens, but that 
the greatness of the position to be assumed will discourage 
incompetents and weaklings. 

But should, nevertheless, such a fellow try to sneak in, 
then he will be easily found out and ruthlessly rebuffed: 
Out with you, cowardly wretch ! Step back, you are soiling 

blood. It has since become a favorite topic of conversation. 
Not a few Nazi authors have attempted to unearth instances 
of such leadership. Favorite candidates from early Germanic 
history are Arminius, Widukind the Saxon King, and Genseric 
the Vandal chieftain. In Nazi usage the word Fuhrer (leader) 
has a very special connotation, difficult for an outsider to 
understand. The Fdhrcr is a man who gives expression to the 
divinity that is enshrined in his people a ' Traumlaller* (one 
who speaks oracularly in his dreams), in George Schott's 
phrase. Gottfried Feder, author of the Party program, once 
described the Fiihrer as follows : ' He must have a somnambu- 
listic feeling of certainty. ... In the pursuit of his goal, he must 
not shrink from bloodshed or war even/ For many, perhaps 
for himself, Hitler is the German Messiah, whose kingdom is 
to last thousands of years, even as has that of Christ. Hitler, 
too, began with a small number of disciples the first group 
was of the mystic number seven one or the other of whom 
proved unfaithful. Addressing Nazi congresses, he has fre- 
quently stressed his ability to wait until 'what is in the folk- 
sour dictates the course he is to pursue. That is why he con- 
tinuously needs assurance that the folk is actually one in spirit 


the steps; the front stairs leading to the Pantheon of 
History is not for sneaks but for heroes! 

1 had come to this opinion after an internal struggle dur- 
ing the two years in which I visited the Viennese parlia- 

Thereafter I never went again. 

The parliamentary r6gime had a great share in the 
progressive weakening of the old Habsburg State during 
the past few years. The more the superiority of the German 
nationality was broken up through its efforts, the more 
recourse was taken to a system of playing off the various 
nationalities against one another. In the Reichsrat this 
always was done at the expense of the Germans and so, 
in the last instance, at the expense of the realm; for at the 
turn of the century even the most simple-minded had to 
realize that the monarchy's power of attraction was no 

with him. The various plebiscites serve much the same pur- 
pose as would a mesmerist's look round to see whether the 
members of a group are joining hands. Hitler believes that 
ninety-nine per cent of the German people support him, and 
refuses to weigh evidence to the contrary. Accordingly any 
German who resists him is a pariah, a blasphemer against the 
decree of the German providence. Dr. Schuschnigg, who under- 
stood these things not at all who fully believed that if the 
Nazis gained Austria he could resume his law practice has 
been kept in confinement since March, 1938, for having sinned 
against the light. Hitler's anti-Semitism must likewise be 
weighed on this scale. It was out of gratitude to the German 
God for the successes of 1938 that he decreed the pogrom of 
November 9. He said earlier: ' I believe today that I am acting 
in the sense of the Almighty Creator: By warding off the Jew* 
I om fighting for the Lord's work' 


longer able to counteract the individual countries' en- 
deavors towards separation. 

On the contrary. 

The poorer the means became which the State had at its 
disposal for its preservation, the higher rose the general 
contempt for it. Not in Hungary alone, but also in the 
individual Slav provinces, the people felt themselves so 
little identified with the common monarchy that its weak- 
ness was not looked upon as their own disgrace. They 
rather rejoiced over the signs of approaching old age; 
because they hoped more for its death than for its con- 

In parliament, the complete collapse was further pre- 
vented by an undignified submission and fulfillment of all 
and every extortion, for which the Germans then had to 
pay; in the realm this was done by a clever playing-off of 
the individual nations against one another. But the gen- 
eral line of development was directed against the Germans. 
Especially since his succession to the throne began to give 
some influence to the Archduke Franz Ferdinand, order 
and organization were brought into the Czechization car- 
ried out from above. With all possible means this future 
ruler of the dual monarchy tried to facilitate and to pro- 
mote personally, or at least to shield, the de-Germanization 
of the realm. Thus purely German places were slowly but 
steadily pushed into the danger zone of mixed languages 
by roundabout official means. Even in Lower Austria this 
process began to progress rapidly, and many Czechs already 
considered Vienna as their biggest city. 

The leading idea of this Habsburg, whose family spoke 
only Czech (his wife, a former Czech countess, had married 
the prince morganatically; she came from circles in which 
the anti-German attitude was traditional) was gradually 
to form a Slav State in Central Europe to be founded on a 
strictly Catholic basis, as a protection against Orthodox 


Russia. In this manner, as the Habsburgs had done previ- 
ously on several occasions, religion once more was placed 
in the service of a purely political idea, above all at least 
from the German point of view of an unfortunate idea. 

The result was more than deplorable in many respects. 

Neither the House of Habsburg nor the Catholic Church 
received the expected reward. 

Habsburg lost the throne, Rome a great State. 

By using religious forces for political purposes, the crown 
awakened a spirit which it had not at first thought possible. 

The attempt to extinguish Germanism in the old mon- 
archy by all possible means was answered by the Pan- 
German movement in Austria. 

fin the eighties, Manchester Liberalism, with a basic 
Jewish tendency, had reached or already passed its climax 
in the monarchy. Reaction against it came, as was the 
case with everything in old Austria, not primarily from 
social, but from national, points of view. Its instinct of 
self-preservation forced Germanism to offer the sharpest 
possible resistance. Only in the second instance economic 
considerations began to gain a decisive influence. Thus out 
of the general political muddle emerged two party forma- 
tions, the one with a more national, the other with a more 
social, tendency, but both extremely interesting and in- 
structive for the future. 

After the depressing end of the war of 1866, the House 
of Habsburg harbored the idea of a revenge on the battle- 
field. Only the death of Emperor Max [sic] of Mexico, 
whose unfortunate expedition was attributed primarily to 
Napoleon III, and whose abandonment by the French 
roused general indignation, prevented a closer co-operation 
with France. Yet Habsburg was on the watch. Had the 
war of 1870-71 not become such a uniquely victorious cam- 
paign, the Court of Vienna would probably have risked the 
bloody game of a revenge for Sadowa. But when the first 


amazing and incredible heroic tales arrived from the battle- 
fields, yet true, then the 'wisest* of all monarchs recognized 
that the hour was inconvenient, and ho had to grin and 
bear it as best he could. 

But the heroic fight of these two years had achieved a 
still greater miracle ; for the Habsburgs a changed attitude 
never corresponded to an impulse of the heart, but to the 
pressure of circumstances. The German people in the old 
Ostmark were carried away by the victorious ecstasy of the 
Reich, and, deeply moved, saw the dreams of the fore- 
fathers resurrected to glorious reality. 

For let there be no mistake : the really German-minded 
Austrian had recognized at Koeniggraetz the tragic though 
necessary condition for the resurrection of a realm which 
should not be, and which actually was not, afflicted with 
the foul marasmus of the old union. He thoroughly learned 
to understand, by his own experience, that the House of 
Habsburg had now finally ended its historical mission, and 
that the new realm was to elect as emperor only one who, 
through his heroic character, could offer a worthy head to 
the 'Crown of the Rhine/ How much more was Fate to 
be praised because it carried out this investiture on a 
member of a House which in the person of Frederick the 
Great had in times past given to the nation a brilliant 
symbol for the rise of the nation forever. < 

When after the Great War the House of Habsburg 
started with utmost determination to root out, slowly but 
steadily, the dangerous Germanism of the dual monarchy 
(about whose inner conviction there could be no doubt) 
for this would mean the end of the policy of Slavization 
the resistance of this doomed people broke out in a way 
that the German history of modern times had never known. 

For the first time men with national and patriotic feel- 
ings became rebels. 

Rebels, not against the nation, not against the State as 


such, but against a form of government which in their 
opinion was bound to lead their own nationality to its 

For the first time in modern German history, traditional 
dynastic patriotism separated from national love for 
country and people. 

It was the merit of the Pan-German movement in Austria, 
during the nineties, that it clearly demonstrated beyond a 
doubt that a State authority can only demand respect and 
protection as long as it corresponds to the desires of a 
nationality and at least does not harm it. 

There can be no State authority as a means in itself, as 
in that case all tyranny on earth would be unassailable and 

If a people is led to destruction by the instrument of 
governmental power, then the rebellion on the part of each 
and every member of such a nation is not only a right but a 

The question, however, when such a case arises, is not 
decided by theoretical treatises but by force and suc- 

As every governmental power naturally claims the right 
of preserving the authority of the State, no matter how 
inferior it is or that it has betrayed the concerns of the 
nation a thousand times, the f olkish instinct of self-preserva- 
tion, when subduing such a power in order to gain freedom 
or independence, will have to use the same weapons with 
which the adversary is trying to hold his own. The struggle 
will be carried on with * legal ' means as long as the power to 
be overthrown uses such means; but one will not hesitate 
to use illegal weapons if the oppressor also uses them. 

But in general it should never be forgotten that not the 
preservation of a State or a government is the highest aim 
of human existence, but the preservation of its kind. 

But once the latter itself is in danger of being oppressed 


or abolished, then the question of legality plays only a 
subordinate r6le. Then it may be that the ruling power 
may use a thousand so-called 'legal' means, yet the in- 
stinct of self-preservation of the oppressed then is always 
the most sublime justification for their fighting with all 

Only by acknowledging the above principle were the 
wars of rebellion, against enslavement from within and 
without, carried on in such great historical examples. 

Human rights break State rights. 

But if a nation succumbs in its struggle for the rights of 
mankind, then it was probably found weighing too lightly 
in the scales of destiny to justify its good fortune of being 
allowed to continue on this mortal globe. For if a man is 
not ready or able to fight for his existence, righteous Provi- 
dence has already decreed his doom. 

The world is not intended for cowardly nations. 

fBut how easy it is for a tyranny to drape itself with 
the mantle of so-called 'legality* is again shown most 
clearly and definitely by Austria's example. 

The legal State authority of that period was rooted in 
the anti-German soil of parliament with its non-German 
majorities and also in the ruling anti-German dynasty. 
The entire State authority was incorporated in these two 
factors. To attempt to change the fate of the German- 
Austrian people from this point was nonsense. In the opin- 
ion of our admirers of the only possible 4 legal ' way and of 
the State authority itself, all resistance would have had to 
be relinquished because it could not be carried out by legal 
means. But this would have meant the end of the German 
people within the monarchy in a very short time. As a 
matter of fact the German nation was only saved from such 
a fate by the collapse of this State. 


The bespectacled theorist, however, would rather die ior 
his doctrine than for his people. 

Because it is men who first make the laws, he thinks that 
they afterwards exist for these laws. 

To have thoroughly swept out this nonsense, much to 
the alarm of all theoretical dogmatists and other govern- 
mental insular fetishists, was the merit of the Pan-German 
movement in Austria at that time. 

As the Habsburgs tried to attack the German nationality 
with all possible means, this party in turn now attacked 
the 'exalted ' ruling house itself in the most ruthless manner. 
For the first time it probed into this foul State and opened 
the eyes of hundreds of thousands. It is to the credit 
of the party that it freed the glorious idea of patriotism 
from the embrace of this deplorable dynasty. 

At the time of its first appearance, the number of its fol- 
lowers was so enormous that it even threatened to develop 
into a very avalanche. But the success did not last. When 
I came to Vienna, the movement had long been overshad- 
owed, and had even been almost reduced to insignificance, 
by the Christian Socialist Party which had come into 
power in the meantime. < 

The entire process of the rise and decline of the Pan- 
German movement, on the one hand, and of the unheard-of 
rise of the Christian Socialist Party, on the other, was to 
gain the greatest importance for me as a classical object for 

When I came to Vienna, my sympathies were fully and 
wholly on the side of the Pan-German movement. 

That one had the courage in parliament to shout 'Heil 
Hohenzollern ' impressed me as much as it infinitely pleased 
me; that one considered oneself only temporarily separated 
from the Reich, and that no occasion was overlooked to 
manifest this publicly, awakened joyous confidence in me ; 
the fact that one openly demonstrated one's opinion in all 


questions concerning German nationality and that one 
never yielded to compromises seemed to me the only way 
still open for the salvation of our people; but that the 
movement, after its first glorious rise, had sunk so deeply, 
this I could not understand. I could understand far less 
that at the same time the Christian Socialist Party was 
able to rise to such enormous power. It had just reached 
the zenith of its glory at that time. 

When I tried to compare the two movements, Fate, ac- 
celerated by my otherwise miserable situation, here also 
gave me the best instruction for the understanding of the 
causes of this riddle. 

I begin my reflections at first with the two men who 
may be looked upon as the leaders and the founders of the 
two parties : Georg von Schoenerer and Doktor Karl Lueger. 

From the purely human point of view they stand out, 
the one as well as the other, far above the frame and the 
dimensions of the so-called parliamentarian types. In the 

George von Schoenerer (1824-1921) was the mouthpiece of 
a pan-Germanistic hatred of the Jews which found expression 
in violent speeches. The beer hall was a favorite Schoenerer 
assembly room. But though his diction was crude, his followers 
were recruited from the upper middle classes and blended hatred 
of the Habsburgs and the Catholic Church with anti-Semitism. 
Nevertheless he had not a few sympathizers even among the 
clergy. Funds to support the movement were supplied by 
extremist Protestant groups in Germany, and Schoenerer him- 
self became a Protestant in a wave of secession from the 
Catholic Church that was the greatest Austria had known since 
the Reformation. The principal tenet of his political doctrine 
was that the Jews had undermined the national economy and 
therewith created the social problem, which in turn was costing 
much money. Close to Schoenerer was the Ostara group, the 
publication sponsored by whom is an important source of more 
modern anti-Semitic propaganda. 


swamp of general political corruption, their entire lives 
remained pure and unimpeachable. Nevertheless, at first 
my personal sympathy was more with the Pan-German 
Schoenerer, and then gradually turned to the Christian 
Socialist leader. 

Comparing their abilities, Schoenerer seemed to me even 
then the better and more thorough thinker in fundamental 
problems. He recognized more clearly and more correctly 
than anyone else the inevitable end of the Austrian State. 
Had one listened more attentively to his warnings, espe- 
cially in the Reich, about the Habsburg monarchy, then 
the misfortune of the World War which placed Germany 
against all Europe would never have come. 

But if Schoenerer recognized the internal nature of the 
problems, he was wrong as regards the people. 

That was again the strength of Doktor Lueger. 

He was a rare judge of human nature, especially on his 
guard against believing that men were better than they 
were. Therefore, he took more into account the real possi- 
bilities of life, while Schoenerer showed little understanding 
for this. Everything the Pan-German thought was correct 
from the theoretical point of view; but while the force and 
the understanding were lacking with which to transmit the 
theoretical knowledge to the masses that means to 
bring it into a form which was in keeping with their per- 
ceptive ability, which is and will always be limited all 
knowledge was only prophetic wisdom and had no chance 
ever to become reality. 

This lack of an actual knowledge of human nature, 
however, led later on to an error in the evaluation of the 
forces of entire movements as well as of age-old institu- 

But Schoenerer finally had recognized that the questions 
involved were those of various views of life, but he had not 
understood that above all only the great masses of a people 


are suited to be the bearers of such almost religious con- 

Unfortunately, he understood only to a very small 
degree the extreme limitation of the will to fight in the so- 
called 4 bourgeois ' circles, in consequence of their economic 
situation which makes the individual fear to lose too much 
and therefore holds him back. 

And yet, a view of life may in general only hope for 
victory if the broad masses, as the bearers of the new doc- 
trine, declare themselves ready to take upon themselves 
the necessary fight. 

From this lack of understanding of the importance of 
the lower classes there resulted also a totally insufficient 
conception of the social question. 

In all this Doktor Lueger was the reverse of Schoenerer. 

His thorough knowledge of human nature made him 

The phrase 'religious faith' would seem to reflect Georges 
Sorel's theory of the revolutionary myth as expounded in his 
Reflexions sur la violence. It is improbable, however, that 
Hitler ever saw the book, and in addition there are important 
differences between Sorel's conception and Hitler's. Nor is the 
affinity with Friedrich Nietzsche, often taken for granted, in 
any sense real. It may well be that Sorel and Nietzsche induced 
many German intellectuals to join the Nazi movement, but the 
reasoning was clearly erroneous. Hitler subscribes to no 
doctrine of the superman. His strength and originality lie in 
the fact that he identifies himself with the masses in so far as 
these want to arm for national aggrandizement. It does not 
matter how much the individual component man or woman in 
these masses knows or what he or she is, so long as willingness 
is present to be subordinate to the instinct of common 'self- 
preservation* i.e., organization for the conquest of whatever 
is necessary to extend the sway of the folk as a whole. The 
leader is he who most strongly senses the needs and desires of 
the unified nation, and not he who as Nietzsche and Stefan 


estimate the possible forces just as correctly, as he was also 
prevented by this from underestimating existing institu- 
tions, and perhaps for this very reason he learned to use 
them as instruments in attaining his aims. 

He also understood only too well that in our time the up- 
per bourgeoisie's energy for a political fight was only limited 
and not sufficient to help a great movement to victory. 
Therefore, he put the weight of his political activity on win- 
ning over those classes the existence of which was threat- 
ened, and this, therefore, became a stimulant rather than an 
impediment of the will to fight. In the same way he was in- 
clined to use all the instruments of power already existing, 
and to gain the favor of influential institutions, in order to 
be able to draw the greatest possible advantage for his own 
movement from such old-established sources of power. 

So he based his party primarily on the middle classes 
which were threatened with extinction, and so assured him- 
self a group of followers almost impossible to unnerve, 
filled with a readiness for sacrifice as well as with a tough 
fighting strength. His infinitely clever policy towards the 
Catholic Church won for him in a short time the younger 
clergy to such an extent that the old Clerical Party was 
either forced to leave the battlefield or, more wisely still, 
to join the new party in order thus slowly to regain one po- 
sition after the other. 

If one were to consider this the sole characteristic of his 

George believed makes use of the * slaves ' in order to assure 
the triumph and happiness of a more regal aristocracy than 
the world has known. In short, for all his elements of patriotic 
mysticism, Hitler is no Platonist, but a Spartan in the simplest 
sense. That is why Germans have found it so difficult to resist 
him. As one of them has put it, ' He flatters us all into acqui- 
escence.' It may be added that when Hitler says that the 
'psyche of the masses is feminine/ he is echoing Gustav Le Bon. 


nature, one would do him a grave injustice. For to the 
clever tactician were added the qualities of a really great 
and ingenious reformer. Also here, of course, his actions 
were limited by the exact knowledge of already existing pos- 
sibilities and also by the abilities of his own person. 

It was an infinitely practical goal which this really im- 
portant man had set for himself. He wanted to conquer 
Vienna. Vienna was the heart of the monarchy, and it was 
from this city that the last bit of vitality went out into the 
ailing and aging body of the decaying realm. The healthier 
the heart should become, the more freshly would the rest of 
the body revive. A fundamentally correct idea, which, how- 
ever, was applicable only for a prescribed and limited 

And therein lay the weakness of this man. 

What he achieved, as mayor of the city of Vienna, is im- 
mortal in the best sense of the word ; however, he was not 
able to save the monarchy, it was too late. 

This his adversary Schoenerer had realized more 

Doktor Lueger succeeded in everything he attacked prac- 
tically ; the result he had hoped for did not come. 

Schoenerer did not succeed in what he wanted, but what 
he feared occurred in an only too terrible manner. 

Thus neither man achieved his broader goal. Lueger 
was no longer able to save Austria, and Schoenerer could 
not save the German people from decline. 

Now, it is infinitely instructive for our time to study the 
causes of this failure of both parties. This is especially use- 
ful for my friends, as in many points circumstances are to- 
day similar to those of that period, and thus mistakes may 
be avoided which had already brought about the end of the 
first movement and the frustration of the second. 

In my eyes there were three causes for the collapse of the 
Pan-German movement in Austria : 


First, the confused conception of the importance of social 
problems for a new party, the inner nature of which was 

Inasmuch as Schoenerer primarily turned to the bour- 
geois classes, the result could only be a very weak and tame 

The German bourgeoisie in its higher circles, though the 
individual is not aware of this, is pacifistic to the degree of 
self-denial, where the domestic affairs of the nation or of the 
State are concerned. In good times that means in times 
under a good government such an attitude is a reason for 
the extreme value which these classes have for the State; 
in times of bad government, however, it has a really de- 
vastating effect. In order to make the carrying-out of a 
really serious struggle possible at all, the Pan-German move- 
ment should have devoted itself to winning over the masses. 
The fact that it did not do so took from it at the beginning 
the elementary impetus that such a wave requires if it is 
not to ebb after even a short time. 

But as soon as this principle is not observed and carried 
out from the beginning, the new party loses all chances to 

This passage gains in interest when one compares it with the 
tactic adopted by the Nazis after their political victory of 
September, 1930. They now entered the Reichstag in hitherto 
unparalleled numbers; but from the beginning they refused to 
accept any responsibility for what was being done and con- 
tinuously disrupted and hampered the proceedings. Some 
individual members were willing to share the burden of legisla- 
tive activity, but they were not permitted to have their way. 
Initially the 107 elected parliamentarians had marched into the 
Reichstag clad in brown uniforms. Outside the building, groups 
of partisans demonstrated, and when police detachments ap- 
peared they marched off to the Leipzigerstrasse and smashed 
the windows of Jewish shops. Later disturbances were even 


make up later for what it had neglected. For now, with 
the admission of extremely great and moderate bourgeois 
elements, the internal attitude of the movement will always 
shape itself towards these, and thus it will lose all hope of 
ever winning any worth-while forces from the great masses 
of the population. What is more such a movement will not 
get over the stage of pale [sic] grumbling and criticizing. 
The more or less almost religious belief, combined with a 
similar readiness for sacrifice, will never be found again; 
whereas it might probably be replaced by the endeavor to 
polish gradually the harsh sides of the struggle by ' positive* 
co-operation; that means, in this case, by recognition of 
given facts, so that finally one will arrive at a foul peace. 

So it also happened to the Pan-German movement, be- 
cause it had not laid enough stress on winning its followers 
from the circles of the great masses at the start. It achieved 
a ' bourgeois dignity, mutedly radical/ 

From this mistake resulted the second cause of its rapid 

The German nationality's situation in Austria was al- 
ready desperate at the time when the Pan-German move- 
ment appeared. From year to year parliament had become 
an instrument for the gradual destruction of the German 
people. Only the abolition of this institution could promise 

more grotesque. But with Hindenburg's re-election in 1931 the 
prestige of the Nazi Party began to fade, only to be revived 
again when Chancellor Brtining was dismissed and the govern- 
ment entrusted to Franz von Papen against the will of the 
Reichstag. Papen thereupon systematically undermined the 
Republic, so that it was virtually defenseless when in 1933 
Hitler was entrusted with the government. Had it not been for 
this sudden change in the German leadership, Hitler might 
eventually have been compelled to seek a status as a normal 
political leader and try his hand at the parliamentarian game. 


moderate success in any attempted salvation in the elev- 
enth hour. 

fWith this the movement was approached by a question 
that was important in principle. 

In order to destroy parliament, was one to go into it and 
' to hollow it out from within/ as one was accustomed to ex- 
press it, or was one to lead this fight from the outside by 
attacking the institution as such? 

One went in and came out beaten. 

Of course, one had to go in. 

To carry out the fight against such an institution from the 
outside means to arm oneself with unshakable courage, and 
also to be ready for unheard-of sacrifices. This means to 
seize the bull by the horns and to receive many blows, to 
fall to the ground sometimes, and perhaps to rise again with 
broken bones, and only after the hardest struggle will vic- 
tory turn to the courageous aggressor. Only the greatness 
of the sacrifices will win new fighters for the cause, till per- 
severance finally receives the reward of success. 

But for this one needs the children from the great masses 
of the nation. 

They alone are determined and tough enough to fight this 
struggle to the bloody end. 

But the Pan-German movement did not possess these 
broad masses; thus it had no other choice but to go into 

It would be wrong to believe that this decision had been 
the result of long mental agonies or even reflections; no, 
one did not think of anything else. The participation in 
this nonsense was only the sediment of general and confused 
conceptions of the importance and the effect of participa- 
tion in an institution which had already been recognized as 
being fundamentally wrong. In general, one probably 
hoped for relief in the work of the enlightenment of the 
great masses, because now one had an opportunity to speak 


before the 'forum of the entire nation/ Further, it seemed 
evident that it was more successful to attack the evil at the 
root than from the outside. By protection through im- 
munity one believed the security of the individual protago- 
nist would be strengthened, so that the force of the attack 
could only be increased thereby. 

But in reality things came about quite differently. < 

The forum before which the Pan-German deputies spoke 
had not become greater but rather smaller; for everybody 
speaks only before the audience that is able to hear him, or 
that receives a description of what has been said through 
the reports of the press. 

But the greatest direct audience is not represented by the 
hall of parliament, but by the great public meeting. 

For there, there will be thousands of people who have 
only come to hear what the speaker has to say, whereas in 
the session hall of the House of Deputies there are only a 
few hundred, whose chief reason for coming is only to re- 
ceive their remuneration and not to let themselves be en- 
lightened by the wisdom of the one or the other of the ' peo- 
ple's representative.' 

But above all : 

It is always the same public which will never add to its 
knowledge, not only because it lacks the brains for this, but 
also the necessary, though modest, will power. 

Never will one of these deputies willingly do better [$ic] 
truth the honor of entering its service. 

No, not one of them will do that, except he hopes to save 
or to regain his mandate for a further session. For as soon 
as it is in the air that the existing party will not do very 
well in a coming election, only then will these ornaments of 
manliness set out to see how they can gain the other, prob- 
ably winning party or direction, whereby this change of po- 
sition takes place under a cloudburst of moral motivations. 
Therefore, whenever an existing party seems to be out of 


the people's favor to the extent that an annihilating defeat 
is threatened, a great migration begins: the parliamentary 
rats leave the party ship. 

This has nothing to do with greater knowledge or will 
power, but with that clairvoyant ability which warns such 
a parliamentary bedbug just in time, so that it can let itself 
drop on another warm party bed. 

To speak before such a 4 forum* means really to cast 
pearls before certain well-known animals. This is really not 
worth while. The result cannot be other than naught. 

This, then, was actually the case. 

The Pan-German deputies could talk on till their throats 
were hoarse; the effect was naught. 

The press, however, passed over it in silence or mutilated 
the speeches in a way that every connection, even often 
their meaning, was lost or distorted, so that public opinion 
was given only a very poor picture of the intentions of the 
new movement. It was of no importance whatsoever what 
the individual gentlemen now said; the importance rested 
in what one read of them. But this was only an abstract of 
their speeches, which, in its tattered condition, was nothing 
but nonsense and so it was intended. But the only forum 
before which they actually spoke consisted of barely five 
hundred parliamentarians, and that says enough. 

But the worst was the following: 

The Pan-German movement could hope for success only 
if it realized from the very first day that the question in- 
volved was not that of a new party but that of a new view of 
life. The latter alone was able to summon the internal 
strength to fight out this gigantic struggle. But for this 
only the best and the most courageous characters are suited 
to act as leaders. 

If the fight for a new view of life is not led by heroes will- 
ing to sacrifice themselves, then no more will death-defying 
fighters be found. He who in such a case fights for his 


own existence cannot have much consideration left for the 

fBut in order to preserve this assumption, it is necessary 
for everybody to know that the new movement has nothing 
to offer to the present except the honor and the fame of 
posterity. The more easily-to-be-won positions such a 
movement has to offer, the greater will be the onrush of in- 
ferior stuff, till finally these political jobbers overcrowd a 
successful political party in such numbers that the honest 
fighter of an earlier time no longer recognizes the old move- 
ment, so that the newcomers themselves decidedly reject 
him as an unwelcome ' intruder/ 

With this the ' mission ' of such a movement is finished. 

From the moment the Pan-German movement sold itself 
to parliament, it gained 'parliamentarians' instead of lead- 
ers and fighters. 

Thus it deteriorated to the level of ordinary political 
parties of the day and lost the force to oppose a catastrophic 
destiny with the defiance of martyrdom. Instead. of fight- 
ing, it now learned to 'speak' and to 'negotiate.' The new 
parliamentarian considered it, within a short time, a nicer 
duty, because it involved less risk, to fight for the new view 
of life with the ' intellectual ' weapons of parliamentary elo- 
quence than to throw himself into a fight, and possibly 
risking his own life, whose end was uncertain and in any 
case did not promise any gain. 

But as now the party was in parliament, the followers out- 
side began to hope and to wait for miracles, which, of course, 
never happened and never could happen. Therefore, they 
became impatient within a short time; for also what one 
heard of one's own deputies in no way corresponded with 
the expectations of the voters. This was only too natural, 
as the hostile press took heed not to report a true-to-life 
picture of the Pan-German representative to the people. 

But the more the new deputies began to find palatable 


the rather mild form of 'revolutionary* fight in parliament 
and the diet, the less were they ready to return to the more 
dangerous work of enlightening the nation's great masses. 

Therefore, the mass meeting, being direct and personal, 
and which was the only way of exercising a really effective 
influence and which, therefore, alone could enable the win- 
ning of great parts of the nation, was pushed more and more 
into the background. 

Once the beer table of the meeting hall was exchanged for 
the platform of parliament, so that from this exalted forum 
speeches could be poured into the heads of the so-called 
'elected representatives' instead of into the people, the 
Pan-German movement ceased to be a people's movement 
and gradually sank into a club for academic discussion, to 
be taken more or less seriously. 

Now also the bad impression that the press had rendered 
was in no way repaired by the personal assembly activity of 
the various gentlemen, so that finally the word 4 Pan-Ger- 
man' had a very bad sound in the ears of the great public. 

For let it be said to all knights of the pen and to all the 
political dandies, especially of today : the greatest changes in 
this world have never yet been brought about by a goose- 

No, the pen has always been reserved to motivate these 
changes theoretically. 

But the power which set the greatest historical avalanches 
of political and religious nature sliding was, from the begin- 
ning of time, the magic force of the spoken word alone. 

The great masses of a nation will always and only suc- 
cumb to the force of the spoken word. But all great move- 
ments are movements of the people, are volcanic eruptions 
of human passions and spiritual sensations, stirred either by 
the cruel Goddess of Misery or by the torch of the word 
thrown into the masses, and are not the lemonade-like out- 
pourings of aestheticizing literati and drawing-room heroes. 


Only a storm of burning passion can turn people's des- 
tinies, but only he who harbors passion in himself can arouse 

Passion alone will give to him, who is chosen by her, the 
words that, like beats of a hammer, are able to open the 
doors to the heart of a people. 

He to whom passion is denied and whose mouth remains 
closed is not chosen by Heaven as the prophet of its will. 

Therefore, may every writer remain by his inkwell in 
order to work 'theoretically' if his brains and ability are 
sufficient for this ; such writers are neither born nor chosen 
to become leaders. 

Every movement with great aims has anxiously to watch 
that it may not lose connection with the great masses. 

It has to examine every question primarily from this 
point of view and to make decisions in this direction. 

Further, it has to avoid everything that could diminish 
or even weaken its ability to influence the masses; perhaps 
not for 'demagogic* reasons, no, but because of the simple 
realization that without the enormous power of the masses 
of a people no great idea, no matter how sublime and lofty 
it may appear, is realizable. 

Hard reality alone conditions the way that leads to 
every goal; shunning disagreeable ways means, in this 
world, only too often to renounce the goal; one may wish 
this or not. 

As soon as the Pan-German movement, because of its 
parliamentary position, began to place the weight of its ac- 
tivity upon parliament instead of upon the people, it lost 
its future and won cheap successes of the moment. 

It chose the easier fight, and therewith it was no longer 
worthy of the ultimate victory. 

Already in Vienna I had thought most thoroughly about 
just this question, and in its non-recognition I saw one of 
the causes for the decline of the movement whose mission. 


in my eyes, was to take the leadership of Germanity into 
its hands. 

The first two mistakes which made the Pan-German 
movement fail were related to each other. The lack of 
knowledge of the internal driving forces of great changes 
led to an insufficient evaluation of the importance of the 
great masses of the people ; from this resulted the scanty in- 
terest in the social question, the deficient and insufficient 
courting of the soul of the nation's lower classes, but also 
the attitude towards parliament that favored this condi- 

If one had recognized the tremendous power which at all 
times is due to the masses as the bearer of revolutionary 
resistance, one would certainly have applied a different 
policy as regards social and propagandistic directions. Then 
the center of weight of this movement would not have been 
removed to the parliament, but stressed in the workshops 
and streets. 

But the third mistake also bears the ultimate germ in the 
non-recognition of the value of the masses, which, like a 
fly-wheel, gives impetus and uniform continuance to the 
force of the attack, once they have been set in motion in one 
certain direction by superior minds. < 

The serious struggle that the Pan-German movement 
had to fight out with the Catholic Church can be explained 
only by the insufficient understanding which one had for 
the spiritual disposition of the people. 

The new party's violent attacks against Rome were 
caused by the following: 

As soon as the House of Habsburg had reached the final 
determination to transform Austria into a Slavic State, it 
took up every means that seemed suitable in this direction. 
Religious institutions also were dishonestly taken into the 
service of the neW 'idea of State* by the most unscrupulous 
of all dynasties. 


The use of Czech pastorates and their spiritual pastors 
was only one of the many means to reach the goal of Aus- 
tria's general Slavization. 

The procedure involved was about the following: 

In purely German parishes Czech pastors were appointed 
who slowly but steadily began to put the interests of the 
Czech nation above those of the Church, thus becoming 
germ cells of the process of de-Germanization. 

Unfortunately, the German clergy almost failed com- 
pletely in the face of such a procedure. Not only that the 
clergy themselves were entirely unfit for a similar struggle 
from the German point of view ; they were not able to meet 
the attacks of the other with the necessary resistance. Thus, 
by way of religious abuse on the one hand, the German na- 
tion was not well enough defended on the other hand, and 
was being pushed back slowly but incessantly. 

If this happened in small matters, unfortunately the sit- 
uation in general was not very different. 

Here, too, the anti-German attempts of the Habsburgs 
did not meet the necessary resistance, especially on the 
part of the higher clergy, while the representation of the 
German interests was pushed completely into the back- 

The general impression could but be that this was a bru- 
tal infringement on German rights by the Catholic clergy 
as such. 

With this, however, the Church did not seem to feel with 
the German people, but seemed unjustly to take sides with 
its enemies. The root of the evil was, especially in Schoener- 
er's opinion, that the head of the Catholic Church was not 
in Germany, a fact which accounted for the hostility to- 
wards the concerns of our nationality. 

The so-called cultural problems were almost completely 
pushed into the background, as was the case with nearly 
everything in Austria at that time Decisive for the atti- 


tude of the Pan-German movement towards the Catholic 
Church was far less the Church's attitude against, perhaps, 
science, etc., than, what is more, its insufficient representa- 
tion of German rights, and, on the other hand, its continued 
advancement of especially Slavic arrogance and greed. 

Now, George Schoenerer was not the man to do things by 
halves. He took up the fight against the Church with the 
conviction that only thus could the German people perhaps 
still be saved. The ' Los-von-Rom 9 movement seemed the 
most powerful, but also the most difficult, procedure of at- 
tack destined to smash the fortress of the enemy. If it was 
successful, then the unfortunate schism of the Church in 
Germany was overcome, and the internal strength of the 
Reich and the German nation could not fail to gain enor- 
mously by such a victory. 

But neither the assumption nor the conclusion of this 
fight was correct. 

In all questions concerning the German nationality, the 
national resistance of the Catholic clergy of German na- 
tionality was undoubtedly weaker than that of their non- 
German brethren, especially the Czechs. 

Also, only an ignoramus could fail to see that the Ger- 
man clergy never so much as thought of an active represen- 
tation of German interests. 

Also, everyone who was not blind had to admit that this 
was due first of all to a circumstance from which we Ger- 
mans all have to suffer severely; it is the objectivity of our 
attitude towards our nationality as well as towards anything 

Just as the Czech clergyman has an attitude that is sub- 
jective towards his people and only objective towards the 
Church, thus the German clergyman was subjective to- 
wards the Church and objective towards the nation. It 
was a fact which we may unfortunately observe in thou- 
sands of other cases. 


This is in no way a special hereditary feature of Cathol- 
icism, but in our country it eats into almost any, especially 
governmental or idealistic institutions. 

Compare the attitude which our officials show towards 
the attempts of a national rebirth with that which in such 
a case the officials of another nation would show. Or does 
one believe that the officers' corps of the rest of the world 
would in a similar way place the concerns of their nation in 
the background with the phrase of 'State authority/ as has 
been our custom for these past five years, a fact that is even 
looked upon as especially meritorious? Do not both reli- 
gions today, for instance, take an attitude towards the 
Jewish question that neither answers the concerns of the 
nation nor the real needs of religion? Compare the attitude 
of a Jewish rabbi towards all questions, even of only minor 
importance for Judaism as a race, with that of the far 
greater part of our clergy, but, if you please, of both reli- 

We find this symptom whenever the representation of an 
abstract idea is involved. 

'State authority/ 'democracy/ 'pacifism/ 'international 
solidarity/ etc., are all conceptions which in our country 
nearly always turn into stiff, purely doctrinary notions, so 
that every judgment of the general national necessities of 
life originates exclusively from their point of view. 

This unfortunate way of looking at all concerns from the 
angle of a previously accepted idea kills all ability to think 
subjectively of a thing that is objectively contradictory to 
one's own doctrine, and eventually it leads to a complete 
reversal of means and end. Then one will turn against 
every attempt at a national rising if this could take place 
only after first doing away with an inefficient, destructive 
regime, as this would mean an offense against 'State au- 
thority/ but since 'State authority' is not a means to an 
end, but in the eyes of such an 'objective' fanatic it repre- 


sents the end itself, that is sufficient to fill out his entire 
miserable life. Then one will indignantly resist an at- 
tempted dictatorship, even if it were Frederick the Great, 
and if the State artists of a parliamentary majority were 
only inefficient dwarfs or even inferior scoundrels, because 
to such a stickler for principles the law of democracy seems 
more sacred than the welfare of a nation. The one, there- 
fore, will protect the worst tyranny that ruins a people, as 
for the moment it represents the 'State authority/ while 
the other rejects even the most blessed government, as 
long as it does not represent his idea of 'democracy.' 

In exactly the same way our German pacifist will pass 
over in silence the most bloody rape of the nation, it may 
come from even the fiercest military powers, if a change of 

At no time was German pacifism more highly developed than 
pacifism was in any other country subscribing to the principles 
of civilization. But it is true that the Social Democrats had 
taught international worker solidarity more ardently than 
had some other Socialist groups, though they too barring 
a few leaders succumbed to the enthusiasm of 1914. Later 
on, when doubts concerning the War began to arise, some of the 
older feeling returned and the dissident leaders were able to 
muster considerable strength. Christian pacifism, on the other 
hand, was after the War given a powerful impetus by the Peace 
Encyclicals of the Pope, which made an impression on Catho- 
lics and Protestants alike. The coming of Hitler to power 
naturally spelled the end of such efforts. All members of pacifist 
organizations which did not question the legitimacy of 
national defense in a just war were penalized. A number 
of professors were dismissed from the universities, and State 
employees were thrown out of office whenever the label of 
pacifist could be affixed to them. The most sensational instance 
was the trial of Professor Friedrich Dessauer in 1933, when the 
Center Party statesman was subjected to imprisonment and loss 
of property for alleged pacifist activity. 


this lot could be brought about only by resistance, that 
means force, for this would be contrary to the spirit of his 
peace league. But the international German socialist may 
be robbed conjointly by the other world; he accepts it with 
fraternal affection and does not think oij^m^a^pr even 
mere protest, because he is a Ger 

This may be deplorable, but to 
means first to understand it. 

The same is the case with the] 
concerns by a part of the clergy. | 

This is neither wicked nor ma 
caused by orders from, let us sa) 
national determination in which 
a defective education for GermanisnT 
well as a complete submission to the i 
an idol. 

Education for democracy, for international socialism, 
for pacifism, etc., is such a stiff and exclusive one and so 
purely subjective from these various points of view, that 
therefore the whole picture of the remaining part of the 
world is also influenced by this principal conception, while 
from childhood on the attitude towards the German nation 
has been merely objective. Thus the pacifist, by giving him- 
self subjectively and entirely to his idea, in face of any 
threat to his people no matter how unjust and serious it 
may be (as long as he is a German), will always look first for 
the objective right and he never will join the ranks and fight 
with his flock out of pure instinct for self-preservation. 

How far this is true for the various denominations as 
well, the following shows: 

Protestantism represents the concerns of the German na- 

This point was to prove of the greatest importance. Lutheran 
teaching on the subject of baptism -- which is regarded as the 
greatest sacrament is that through baptism equality of 


tion in a better way, so far as this is already rooted in its 
birth and later tradition; but it breaks down in the moment 
when the defense of these national interests take place in a 
field which is not included in the general line of its ideal 
world and traditional development, or which perhaps is 
rejected for some reason or other. 

Thus Protestantism will always interest itself in the pro- 
motion of all things Gertnan as such, whenever it is a mat- 
ter of inner purity or increasing national sentiment, the de- 
fense of German^ life, the German language and German 
liberty, as all this is also rooted firmly in Protestantism; 

status before God and in the Church is conferred on men. 
Difference of race and endowment may and do subsist, but 
they are not of essential importance. Moreover, the sacred 
ministry is open to all who have been baptized and are called. 
Therewith Lutheranism denies the priority of race. When 
Hitler came to power, he immediately tried to place the 
governance of the Lutheran Church in the hands of men who 
were willing to alter the traditional teaching. A large group of 
'German Christians' who subscribed to Hitler's views were 
recruited, and their representative Pastor Ludwig M tiller 
was named Archbishop at the command of the government. 
The majority of German theologians refused, however, to 
accept so drastic a tampering with their creed. Gradually they 
formed the Confessional Synod, and this has until now 
despite all pressure and suffering clung resolutely to the 
orthodox point of view. The best-known spokesman for this 
point of view is Pastor Martin Niemoller, who was imprisoned 
by command of Hitler and is still held in virtually solitary 
confinement; but there are hundreds of clergymen who have 
learned to know the meaning of opposition. More than twelve 
hundred of their number have gone to prison; some are dead. 
The crisis through which Lutherism is passing is unquestion- 
ably the gravest in its history. Cf. Der Kampfder cvangelischen 
Kircke in Deutschland. by Arthur Frey (Zollikon, 1937). 


but it will immediately and sharply fight every attempt at 
saving the nation from the grip of its most deadly enemy, 
as its attitude towards Judaism is fixed more or less by 
dogma. But this involves a question without the solution 
of which all attempts at a German renaissance or a national 
revival are and will remain absurd and impossible, 
f During my time at Vienna I had enough leisure and op- 
portunity to examine this question also without prejudice, 
and in daily contacts I was able to determine the direction 
of this opinion in a thousand ways. 

In this focus of the various nationalities, it was shown 
most clearly that only the German pacifist tries to look ob- 
jectively at the concerns of his own nation, but the Jew, for 
instance, will never do the same with those of the Jewish 
people; that only the German socialist is ' international' 
in a sense that forbids him to ask for justice for his people 
other than by whining and moaning before his international 
comrades, but never the Czech or the Pole, etc. ; in short, I 
recognized even then that the misfortune is to be sought 
only partly in those doctrines, but, for the other part, in 
our entirely insufficient education for our own nationality 
as a whole, and, conditioned by this, in a weakened devo- 
tion to the latter. 

This eliminated the first purely theoretical motivation of 
the fight of the Pan-German movement against Cathol- 
icism in itself. 

One should educate the German people, from childhood 

These words seem to define Hitler's point of view at the time 
this book was written, and doubtless reflects the situation in 
which he found himself in the Bavaria of 1923. The statements 
here made aroused the ire of General Ludendorff, already then 
a violent opponent of Rome and the Jesuits, and were dealt 
with in magazine articles in which the General accused Hitler 
of having 'sold out' to Rome. The Fuhrer was at the time un* 


on, to the exclusive acknowledgment of the right of their 
own nationality, and one should not poison the children's 
hearts with the curse of our 'objectivity/ also in matters of 
the preservation of the ego, so that after a short time it will 
be seen (provided there exists also a radical national gov- 
ernment) that, as in Ireland, Poland, or France, in Germany 
also a Catholic will always be a German. 

The most convincing proof for this was offered at a time 
when for the last time our people were summoned, for the 
protection of its existence, before the tribunal of History 
for its struggle for life or death. 

As long as the leadership from above did not fail, the peo- 
ple fulfilled their duty in the most overwhelming manner. 
Whether they were Protestant or Catholic clergy, they both 
had an immensely large share in preserving for so long a 
time our force of resistance not only at the front but even 

certain of what the future might bring, and is known to have 
interviewed leaders of the Bavarian People's Party (Catholic) 
concerning the terms under which he might be admitted to that 
organization. Heiden puts the matter somewhat differently, 
suggesting that Hitler had merely been trying to get permission 
to reorganize the Nazi Party. In addition one of the best 
friends the Nazis had in the Bavarian regular army was General 
Franz von Epp, a Catholic who would have frowned on any- 
thing smacking of religious warfare. 

Perhaps it is not possible as yet to substantiate the state- 
ment in full the change in Hitler's personal attitude is 
attributable primarily to the conversion of Cardinal Faulhaber, 
Archbishop of Munich, from monarchist restorationism to 
democracy and pacifism. The Cardinal proclaimed this new 
attitude in a sensational open letter which implied criticism 
of the Nazis. In addition Hitler had come more under the 
influence of Alfred Rosenberg, whose ideas on racialism and 
religion have since become standard Party fare. At any 
rate, the Catholic Church took up in earnest the fight against 


more so at home. During these years, especially during the 
first flare-up, there existed for both camps only one single 
and sacred German Reich, and everyone turned to his own 
heaven for its existence and future. 

There is one question which the Pan-German movement 
in Austria ought to have asked itself: Is the preservation of 
the German nation in Austria possible under a Catholic 
faith? If it is possible, then the political party had no right 
to occupy itself with religious or even denominational af- 
fairs; if not, however, then a religious reformation had to 
set in, and not a political party. 

He who believes he may arrive at a religious reformation 
by the roundabout way of a political organization only 
shows that he really has not the slightest idea of the way in 
which religious conceptions or even dogmas originate and 
their effect upon the Church. 

the Nazi creed after the triumphant elections of 1930. A 
number of pastoral letters denounced the errors contained in 
the Party program and in the books of important leaders; and 
late in 1930 the Ordinary of the diocese of Mayence refused to 
grant Catholic burial to a Nazi. After Hitler came to powei , 
all this was changed. The Bishops revised their attitude; 
a Concordat was signed with the Holy See. Even more re- 
cently some Catholic leaders have professed to believe that 
a modus vivendi with Hitler might be reached. 

We possess authentic records of Chancellor Hitler's private 
views of the religious situation. One of these may be cited in 
part: 'Hitler said concerning Catholic opposition, especially in 
Bavaria, that its fomentors were wasting their time. They 
might as well stop pipe-dreaming. He would not follow the 
example of Bismarck. He was a Catholic. Providence had 
arranged that. Bismarck had failed because he had been 
a Protestant and Protestants have no conception of what the 
Catholic Church is. The important thing was to sense what 


Here one really cannot serve two masters. In this, I con- 
sider the foundation or the destruction of a religion essen- 
tially more important than the foundation or destruction 
of a State, let alone a party. 

But one must not say that this was only the warding- 
off of attacks from the other side! 

It is certain that at all times unscrupulous people did not 
shrink from making religion a tool of their political business 
affairs (for this is almost exclusively and nearly always the 
main object of such fellows) ; and it is equally certain that it 
would be wrong to hold religion or a denomination responsi- 
ble for a number of scoundrels who abuse it just as surely as 
they would very probably abuse anything else placed into 
the service of their base instincts. 

Nothing would suit such a parliamentary good-for- 

people felt in religious matters and what endeared the Church 
to them. If the clerical caste would not disappear voluntarily, 
he would direct propaganda against the Church until people 
would be unable to hide their disgust when the word ' Church ' 
was mentioned. Why, it was necessary only to make Church 
history popular. He would have films made. Looking at them 
the German people would see how the clergy had exploited 
them, lived off them. How they had sucked the money out of 
the country. How they had worked hand in glove with the 
Jews, how they had practiced immoral vice, how they had 
spread lies. These films would be so interesting that everybody 
would itch to see them. He would make the clergy ridiculous. 
He would expose all the tangled mass of corruption, selfishness 
and deceit of which they had been guilty. Let the bourgeoisie 
tear its hair. He would have the youth and the people on his 
side. He would guarantee that if he set his mind to it, he could 
destroy the Church in a few years. The whole institution 
was just a hollow shell. One good kick, and it would tumble 
together in a heap.' 


nothing and sluggard better than if he were offered an op- 
portunity, at least later, of having some justification for 
his political wirepulling. 

For, as soon as religion or a denomination is made re- 
sponsible for his personal wickedness and is attacked for 
this reason, such a mendacious fellow will clamor aloud and 
call the world to witness how justified his actions were, and 
that the salvation of religion and church is due to him and 
to his eloquence alone. His fellow citizens, as stupid as they 
are forgetful, will not recognize the real orginator of the en- 
tire dispute, merely because of the great noise he makes, or 
they will no longer remember him, and so the scoundrel has 
actually achieved his goal. 

Such a sly fox knows only too well that this has nothing 
whatsoever to do with religion, and he will therefore laugh 
up his sleeve, while his honest and less skilled adversary 
loses the game, so that some day, despairing of faith and 
loyalty in mankind, he will withdraw from everything. 

But also in another direction it would be unjust to make 
religion as such or even the Church responsible for the mis- 
takes of various individuals. One should compare the visi- 
ble greatness of the organization which one has before one- 
self with the average faultiness of men in general, and one 
will have to admit that the proportion between good and 
bad is here perhaps better than anywhere else. Even among 
the priests there are certainly such to whom their sacred 
office is only the instrument for the gratification of their 
political ambition, and who, in the political fight, forget in 
a more than deplorable manner that they should be the 
guardians of a higher truth and not the promoters of lies 
and calumnies but such an unworthy individual is out- 
weighed, on the other hand, by a thousand and more honest 
pastors, most faithfully devoted to their mission, who stand 
out like little islands in a communal swamp in our menda- 
cious and demoralized time. 


However little I condemn the Church as such, or may, if 
perhaps a demoralized villain in a priest's frock offends 
morality in an unclean fashion, just as little may I condemn 
another among the many who befouls and betrays his na- 
tionality in times when this is almost a daily practice any- 
how. Especially today one should not forget that for one 
such an Ephialtes there are thousands who with bleeding 
hearts sympathize with the misfortune of their people and 
who, just like the best of our nation, long for the hour when 
at last Heaven will smile on us again. 

But to him who now answers that the problems involved 
are not everyday trifles but questions of essential truth or 
dogmatic content, one can only give the necessary reply by 
another question : 

If you believe yourself to be chosen by Destiny to an- 
nounce the truth, then do so; but then have the courage to 
do so not by way of a political party for this is also wire- 
pulling but instead of the present 'worse* place your 
'better' of tomorrow! 

But if you lack the courage to do so, or if you are uncer- 
tain about your 'better,' then keep your hands off; in any 
case do not try to do by roundabout sneaking through a 
political movement what you would not dare to do with 
your visor open. < 

Political parties have nothing to do with religious prob- 
lems, as long as these are not hostile to the nation and do not 
undermine the ethics and morality of their own race; just 
as religion is not to be combined with the absurdity of politi- 
cal parties. 

Whenever ecclesiastical dignitaries make use of religious 
institutions or doctrines in order to harm their nationality, 
one should not follow them and fight them with the same 

To the political leader the religious doctrines and institutions 
of his people should always be inviolable, or else he ought not to 


be a politician but should become a reformer, provided he is 
made of the right stuff I 

Any other attitude would lead to a catastrophe, especially 
in Germany. 

While studying the Pan-German movement and its fight 
against Rome, at that time and especially in the course of 
the following years, I came to the following conclusion: 
The party of that time, through its limited understanding 
of the importance of social problems, lost the masses of the 
people that were really fit to fight; joining parliament de- 
prived it of its enormous impetus and burdened it with all 
the weaknesses of that institution ; it made itself impossible 
in numerous small and medium circles through its fight 
against the Catholic Church, thus robbing itself of innumer- 
able of the best elements which the nation can call its 

The practical result of the Austrian Kulturkampf was 
equal to nil. 

t However, one succeeded in tearing away from the Church 
almost one hundred thousand members, but she did not suf- 
fer any particular loss because of this. She really did not 
have to shed any tears for the lost 'lambs'; for the Church 
lost only what for a long time had not fully belonged to her 
internally. This was the difference between the new refor- 
mation and the old one : that once many of the best of the 
Church turned away from it because of their inner religious 
conviction, while now only those went who were not only 
lukewarm, but for 'considerations' of a political nature. 

But even from the political point of view the result was 
just as ridiculous and yet again saddening. 

Once more a political movement, promising success and 
salvation to the German nation, had perished, because it 
had not been led with the necessary ruthless sobriety, but 
lost itself in directions that were bound to lead to disunion. 

For one thing is certainly true: 


The Pan-German movement would probably never have 
made this mistake if it had not possessed too little under- 
standing for the psyche of the great masses. If its leaders 
had known that, in order to achieve any success, one must 
not present, for purely psychological reasons, two enemies 
to the masses, because this would lead to a complete split-up 
of the fighting strength, then for this reason alone the direc- 
tion of the blows of the Pan-German movement would 
have been aimed against one adversary alone. Nothing is 
more dangerous for a political party than to be led by those 
jacks-of-all-trades who want to do everything without ever 
attaining the least thing. 

No matter how much one had to criticize an individual 
denomination, the political party must not for a moment lose 
sight of the fact that, according to all previous experience 
of history, a purely political party, in a similar situation, 
has never succeeded in bringing about a religious refor- 
mation. But one does not study history in order to for- 
get its doctrines when they are to be applied in practice, or 
to believe that things are now different that is, that the 
eternal truth of history is now no longer applicable; but 
from history one learns just the practical application for the 
present. But he who is not able to do this must not imagine 
that he is a political 'leader* ; he is in reality a shallow, and 
also frequently a very vainglorious, simpleton, and no 
amount of good-will excuses his practical inability. 

As a whole, and at all times, the efficiency of the trulv 
national leader consists primarily in preventing the division 
of the attention of a people, and always in concentrating it 
on a single enemy. The more uniformly the fighting will of 
a people is put into action, the greater will be the magnetic 
force of the movement and the more powerful the impetus 
of the blow. It is part of the genius of a great leader to make 
adversaries of different fields appear as always belonging to 
one category only, because to weak and unstable characters 


the knowledge that there are various enemies will lead only 
too easily to incipient doubts as to their own cause. 

As soon as the wavering masses find themselves con- 
fronting too many enemies, objectivity at once steps in, and 
the question is raised whether actually all the others are 
wrong and their own nation or their own movement alone 
is right. 

Also with this comes the first paralysis of their own 
strength. Therefore, a number of essentially different in- 
ternal enemies must always be regarded as one in such a 
way that in the opinion of the mass of one's own adherents 
the war is being waged against one enemy alone. This 
strengthens the belief in one's own cause and increases one's 
bitterness against the attacker. 

It cost the former Pan-German movement its success be- 
cause it did not comprehend this. 

Its goal was rightly viewed, its will was pure, but the 
way it chose was wrong. It was like a mountain climber 
who fixes the peak that he is to climb well and correctly 
with his eyes and who sets out on his way with the greatest 
determination and energy, but who, paying no attention to 
the way, always fixing his eye on the goal, neither sees nor 
examines the condition of the ascent thus finally failing. 

The situation seemed to be the reverse with its great 
competitor, the Christian Socialist Party. 

The way on which it set out was intelligently and rightly 
chosen, but it lacked the clear knowledge of the goal. < 

In nearly all matters in which the Pan-German move- 
ment failed, the attitude of the Christian Socialist Party 
was correct and carefully planned. 

It had the necessary understanding of the importance of 
the masses and it secured at least part of them by apparent 
stress on its social character from the very first day. By 
aiming essentially at the winning of the small and lower 
middle class and the craftsmen classes, it gained a body of 


followers that was as faithful as it was enduring, ready for 
sacrifice. It avoided all fights against a religious institu- 
tion, thus securing the support of such a mighty organiza- 
tion as the Church represents. Thus it had only one really 
great chief adversary. It recognized the value of large- 
scale propaganda and it was a virtuoso in influencing the 
spiritual instincts of the great masses of its followers. 

The fact that, nevertheless, it was unable to reach the 
desired goal of Austria's salvation was due to two faults of 
its way and to the obscurity of the goal itself. 

The new movement's anti-Semitism was built up on 
religious imagination instead of racial knowledge. The 
reason for making this mistake was the same as that 
which caused the second error as well. 

If the Christian Socialist Party was to save Austria, 
then in the opinion of its founders it was not to approach 
the question from the racial principle, as otherwise and 
after a short time the general dissolution of the State 
would set in. But the situation in Vienna especially re- 
quired, in the opinion of the party leaders, the greatest 
possible elimination of all disrupting circumstances and in 
its place a stress on all unifying points of view. 

Vienna, at that time, was already so heavily interspersed 
with Czech elements that only the greatest tolerance with 
respect to all racial problems was able to keep them in a 
party that was not anti-German at the start. If one wanted 
to save Austria, one could not renounce them. So, one tried 
to win the small Czech tradesmen, especially numerous in 
Vienna, for the fight against the liberal Manchester move- 
ment, and thereby believed that one had found a slogan 
against Judaism on a religious basis, overshadowing all of 
the racial differences of old Austria. 

It is obvious that a fight on such a basis gave Jewry 
but limited cause for worry. 

If the worse came to the worst, a splash of baptismal 


water would always save the business and Judaism at the 
same time. 

With so superficial a motivation one never arrived at a 
serious and scientific treatment of the whole problem, and 
therefore only too many people, who could not understand 
this kind of anti-Semitism, were repelled altogether. The 
attractive force of the idea was therefore almost exclusively 
tied to intellectually limited circles, if one wanted to 
arrive at a real knowledge, by means of a purely senti- 
mental feeling. The intelligentsia, as a matter of principle, 
turned aside. Thus the matter was given more and more 
the appearance as though the question involved was only 
the attempt at a new conversion of the Jews or even the 
expression of a "certain competitive envy. But with this 
the fight lost the character of an inner and higher consecra- 

Traditional anti-Semitism had in Germany always been 
based on confessional differences. Any other motivation was 
forbidden by the Church ; and in all the pogroms of the Middle 
Ages, Jews were able to escape the rigor of the persecution by 
accepting baptism. Surprisingly few availed themselves of that 
opportunity; and on the Christian side Saint Bernard had 
pointed out that the worst possible way to attempt conversions 
was to inflict torture and death on the recalcitrant. Therefore 
racial anti-Semitism as an integral part of a program of political 
action remains Hitler's 'Copernican discovery. 1 For now there 
is no escape for the victim no escape even for his Jewish 
grandmother, by reason of whom he is a pariah under the Nazi 

It must be conceded that however numerous the sources 
from which Hitler's anti-Semitism derives may be, his proposed 
solution for the 'Jewish problem 1 is original. Probably there 
were few among the older Nazi leaders who accepted it. Goer- 
ing, Strasser, Roehm and the rest envisaged certain Jews of 
whom they wished to rid Germany. Jealousy of Jewish business 
rivals or professional competitors ; popular views of Jewish meth- 


tion, and thus it appeared to many, and not the worst, as 
immoral and objectionable. The conviction was lacking 
that this was a question of vital importance to the whole of 
mankind and that on its solution the fate of all non-Jewish 
people depended. 

Through these half-measures the value of the Christian 
Socialist Party's anti-Semitic attitude was destroyed. 

It was a sham anti-Semitism that was worse than no 
anti-Semitism at all; because one was thus lulled into 
security; one thought that one had caught the enemy by 
the ears, whereas in reality one was being led about by 
one's own nose. 

The Jew, however, after a short time had so accustomed 

ods of investing capital; age-old, almost atavistic sentiment 
handed down from the days when Jews lived in ghettos; 
soldierly hatred of Jewish pacifists: all these things played 
their part, but there exists overwhelming evidence from the 
years 1933 and 1934 to show that even inside the Party the 
general view was that the anti- Jewish campaign would be kept 
within certain limits. Only Hitler has refused to budge. It 
was he who rode down all opposition and ordered the pogrom 
of November 9. As originally planned, the outbreak was to 
coincide with the opening of the 'Eternal Jew' exposition in 
Berlin, it being assumed that the Government could claim that 
the people' had been so 'impressed' by the material displayed 
there that a 'spontaneous uprising* was unavoidable. The 
murder of Ernst von Rath, a German diplomat in Paris, by 
a young Jewish refugee, provided a far better excuse. More 
than 70,000 Jews were arrested, and those among the victim? 
who had money were ordered to leave the country within a 
specified time. Many thousands more were ejected from their 
homes, made to walk the streets all night, and virtually suffered 
to starve. In Vienna and Innsbruck the spectacle was so fright- 
ful that even hardened Nazis are known to have protested. 
Yet from the point of view of ruthless politics such steps are 


himself to this kind of anti-Semitism that he would cer- 
tainly have missed its absence more than its presence 
hindered him. 

As one had to make heavy sacrifices to the State of 
nationalities, one had to do so even more in the case of 
the representation of the German nationality itself. 

One could not be 'nationalistic' if one did not want to 
lose the ground under one's feet, even in Vienna. By 
gentle evasion of this question, one hoped to save the 
Habsburg State, while in reality one drove it towards its 
doom by this very attitude. But with this the movement 
lost its enormous source of power which in the long run 
alone is able to replenish a political party with its internal 

Only through this the Christian Socialist movement 
became a party like all the others. 

In those days I closely observed both movements, the 
one out of the beat of my heart, the other by being carried 
away with admiration for the rare man who even then 
appeared to me to be the bitter symbol of the whole 
German nationality in Austria. 

When the impressive funeral procession of the dead 
mayor left the Rathaus and turned towards the Ring- 
strasse, I, too, was among the many hundreds of thousands 
who watched the tragedy. My feelings told me with 

undeniably clever. For in view of the world-wide economic 
depression, the arrival of Jewish refugees in any number creates 
for the country harboring them a variety of difficult problems. 
First, giving them jobs will be resented by the unemployed; and 
establishing them in business or a profession will add to the 
pressure of competition. The total effect upon the national 
economy may be negligible, but the psychological effect may, 
owing to the fact that discussion of the refugee problem is 
constantly in the foreground, be very considerable. 


internal emotion that the work of this man too was bound 
to be in vain because of the fate that would lead this State 
to its inevitable doom. Had Doktor Karl Lueger lived in 
Germany, he would have been placed in the ranks of the 
great figures of our nation ; that he had labored in this impos- 
sible State was the misfortune of his work as well as his own. 

When he died, the little flames in the Balkans leaped up 
more greedily from month to month, so that Fate graciously 
spared him the sight of that which he still thought he would 
have been able to prevent. 

I, however, tried to find the causes of the ill success of 
the one movement and the failure of the second, and I 
came to the firm conclusion that, apart from the impossi- 
bility of ever reaching a consolidation of the State in old 
Austria, the mistakes of both parties were the following: 

The Pan-German movement was right on the whole in 
its fundamental opinion about a German rebirth, but it 
was unlucky in the choice of its way. It was nationalistic, 
but unfortunately not social enough to win the masses. 
Its anti-Semitism was based on the correct realization of 
the importance of the race problem and not on the im- 
possibility of religious ideas. Its fight against a certain 
denomination, however, was wrong both in fact and tactics. 

The Christian Socialist movement had an unclear con- 
ception as to the goal of a German renaissance, but it 
showed sense and was lucky in seeking its way as a party. 
It understood the social question's importance, but it was 
wrong in its fight against Judaism and had no idea of the 
power of the national idea. 

tHad the Christian Socialist Party, in addition to its 
clever knowledge of the great masses, also had the right 
conception of the importance of the race problem as the 
Pan-German movement had comprehended it, or if it had 
finally become nationalistic, or if the Pan-German move- 
ment had accepted, in addition to the correct realization of 


the goal, of the Jewish question and the importance of the 
national idea, also the practical cleverness of the Christian 
Socialist Party, but especially the latter's attitude towards 
socialism, then this would have even then created that 
movement which in my opinion could have intervened suc- 
cessfully in the fate of the German nation. 

That this was not the case was due for the most part to 
the nature of the Austrian State. 

As I did not see this conviction of mine realized in any 
other party, I could not make up my mind in the days that 
followed to join or even to fight with one of the existing 
organizations. Even then I thought that all the political 
movements had failed and were incompetent, that a na- 
tional renaissance of the German people on a larger and 
not really superficial scale was impossible. 

My inner aversion to the Habsburg State grew more 
and more during that time. 

The more I began to occupy myself especially with the 
question of foreign politics, the more my opinion grew and 
the firmer it took root that this State formation was bound 
to become the misfortune of the German nationality. 
Finally, I saw more and more clearly that the fate of the 
German nation would not be decided from this place, but 
in the Reich proper. This was not only true of all general 
political questions, but no less for all manifestations of the 
entire cultural life. 

Here, too, the Austrian State also showed all symptoms 
of debility or at least of its unimportance for the German 
nation in the domain of purely cultural or artistic affairs. 
This was true most of all in the field of architecture. The 
new architecture could not be successful in Austria for the 
reason that since the completion of the Ringstrasse the 
commissions were unimportant, at least as far as Vienna 
was concerned, as compared with the increasing plans of 


Thus I began more and more to lead a double life: reason 
and reality forced me to go through a school in Austria 
that was as bitter as it was blissful, but the heart dwelt 
somewhere else.-^ 

At that time an oppressive feeling of dissatisfaction 
seized me; the more I recognized the internal hollowness 
of this State and the impossibility of saving it, the more I 
felt with certainty that in all and everything it only repre- 
sented the misfortune of the German people. 

I was convinced that this State was bound to oppress 
and to handicap every really great German, as, on the other 
hand, it promoted everything non-German. 

I detested the conglomerate of races that the realm's 
capital manifested ; all this racial mixture of Czechs, Poles, 
Hungarians, Ruthenians, Serbs, and Croats, etc., and 
among them all, like the eternal fission-fungus [sic] of 
mankind Jews and more Jews. 

To me the big city appeared as the personification of 

The German language of my childhood was the dialect 
that was spoken also in Lower Bavaria; I was neither able 
to forget it nor to learn the Viennese jargon. The longer I 
stayed in this city, the more my hatred increased against 
the mixture of foreign nations that began to eat up this 
site of old German culture. 

The idea that this State could still be maintained even 
then seemed ridiculous to me. 

Austria was at that time like an old mosaic; the cement 
which held the single little stones together had become old 
and brittle; as long as the masterpiece is untouched, it can 
still pretend to be existent, but as soon as it is given a 
blow, it breaks into a thousand fragments. The question, 
therefore, was only when the blow would come. 

Since my heart had never beaten for an Austrian mon- 
archy but only for a German Reich, I could only look upon 


the hour of the ruin of this State as the beginning of the 
salvation of the German nation. 

For all these reasons the longing grew stronger to go 
there where since my early youth I had been drawn by 
secret wishes and secret love. 

I hoped to make a name for myself in the future as an 
architect, and thus, be it in a narrow or a wide frame that 
Fate was to bestow upon me, to devote my honest services 
to the nation. 

But finally I wanted to share the happiness of being 
allowed to work on that spot from which the most ardent 
wish of my heart was bound to be fulfilled: the union of 
my own beloved country with the common fatherland, 
the German Reich. 

There are many who even today will not be able to 
understand the intensity of such a longing, but now I 
appeal to those to whom Fate either has denied this hap- 
piness or from whom it has again cruelly taken it; I appeal 
to all those who, severed from the motherland, have to 
fight for the holy treasure of their language, those who, 
because of their faithful adherence to the fatherland, are 
being persecuted and tortured and who now in painful 
emotion long for the hour that will allow them to return 
to the arms of the beloved mother; I appeal to all those 
and I know they will understand me. 

Only he who through his own experience knows what it 
means to be a German without being allowed to belong to 
the dear fatherland will be able to comprehend the deep 
longing that burns at all times in the hearts of the children 
who are separated from the motherland. This longing 
tortures those it has seized and denies them contentedness 
and happiness until the doors of the father's house open 
and the common blood finds peace and quiet again in the 
common Reich. 

But Vienna was and remained for me the hardest, but 


also the most thorough, school of my life. I had once 
entered this city when still half a boy and I left it as a man 
who had become quiet and serious. In that city I received 
the basis of a view of life in general and a political way 
of looking at things in particular which later on I had only 
to supplement in single instances, but which never again 
deserted me. But it is only today that I am able to ap- 
preciate fully the real value of those years of learning. 

This is the reason why I have dealt with this period more 
fully, as it gave me the first object lessons in those very 
questions which formed part of the fundamental principles 
of the party which, rising from the smallest beginnings, is 
in the course of hardly five years on the way to develop 
into a great mass movement. I do not know what my 
attitude towards Judaism, Social Democracy, or better 
Marxism, social problems, etc., would be today if the 
basic stock of personal opinions had not been formed at 
so early a time under the pressure of fate and of my own 

For, though the fatherland's misfortune may stimulate 
thousands upon thousands of people to thinking about the 
internal causes of this collapse, this can never lead to that 
thoroughness and deeper insight which is opened to him 
who only after years of struggle becomes master of his fate. 


IN THE spring of 1912 I came to Munich for good, 
t The town itself was as familiar to me as if I had lived 
inside its walls for years. The reason for this was that 
my studies, step by step, directed me towards this metro- 
polis of German art. One has not only not seen Germany 
if one does not know Munich no, above all else, one 
does not know German art if one has not seen Munich. 

At any rate, this period before the War was the happiest 
and most satisfying time of my life. Although my income 
was still very meager, I did not live in order to be able to 
paint, but I painted in order to secure the possibility of 
my existence, or rather in order in this way to permit my- 
self further study. I harbored the conviction that, never- 
theless and finally, I would reach the goal that I had set 
before myself. And this alone made me bear all other little 
troubles of my daily life easily and indifferently. 

But to this was added the inner love that seized me, 
almost from the first hour of my stay, for this town more 
than any other place known to me.<- A German town! 
What a difference as compared with Vienna! It made me 
sick only to think back to this racial Babylon. What is 
more, the dialect here was much closer to me, and especially 
the contact with the Lower Bavarians reminded me of the 


days of my youth. There must have been thousands of 
things that were, that became, dear to me. But most of all 
I was attracted by the amazing union of inherent strength 
and delicate, artistic atmosphere, this unique line from the 
Hofbrauhaus to the Odeon, from the Oktoberfest to the 
Pinakothek, etc. That today I feel more attached to this 
town than to any other place in the world is probably ex- 
plained by the fact that it is inseparably connected with 
the development of my own life, and will remain so; but 
that I even then attained the happiness of a really inner 
contentedness was attributable only to the charm that this 
beautiful residence of the Wittelsbachs exercises on every 
human being who is blessed not only with calculating rea- 
son but also with appreciative feeling, 
f Apart from my professional work, what attracted me 
most was again the study of current political events, among 
them especially those of foreign politics. I arrived at the 
latter by way of the German coalition policy, which I had 
regarded as both wrong and erroneous ever since my time 
in Austria. However, when I was still in Vienna, the full 
extent of this self-deception of the Reich had not yet be- 
come fully clear to me. In those days I was inclined to 
assume (or perhaps I only tried to tell myself this as an 
excuse) that possibly Berlin already knew how weak and 
unreliable the ally would be in reality, but that for more or 
less mysterious reasons they were withholding this know- 
ledge, in order to support the coalition politics which 
Bismarck himself once had founded, for a sudden break 
was not desirable for fear one might arouse the foreign 
countries which were on the lookout, and alarm the phi- 
listines at home. 

However, contact with the people themselves especially 
very soon made me realize to my great horror that this 
belief was wrong. To my astonishment I ascertained that 
~ven in well-informed circles everywhere one had not the 


slightest idea of the internal structure of the Habsburg 
monarchy. The people especially were ensnared with the 
delusion that one could look upon the ally as a serious 
power that in the hour of distress would certainly be up 
to the mark. The masses still considered the monarchy 
as a ' German ' State and believed that one could count on 
this. The opinion was prevalent that its force might be 
measured by millions, as perhaps in Germany itself, and 
completely forgot that, in the first place, Austria had long 
since ceased to be a German State-entity; that, in the 
second place, the internal conditions of this realm were 
constantly pressing towards dissolution. 

I had known this State formation better than these so- 
called official 'diplomats,' who, nearly blind as always, 
were swaying towards disaster; because the sentiments of 
the people were only and always the outflow of that which 
was poured into public opinion from above. But up above 
one worshiped this 'ally' like the golden calf. Perhaps one 
hoped to replace the sincerity which was lacking by ami- 
ability. In this one always accepted words instead of true 

It was already in Vienna that I was seized with fury 
when I looked at the difference between the speeches of the 
official statesmen and the contents of the Viennese press 
that was so apparent from time to time. Nevertheless, 
Vienna was still a German city, at least by appearance. 
But how different things were when, leaving Vienna or 
rather German- Austria behind, one came into the Slavic 
provinces of the realm ! One only had to pick up the news- 
papers published in Prague if one wanted to know how the 
sublime jugglery of the Triple Alliance was judged there. 
Nothing was left for this 'statesmanlike* masterpiece but 
cruel taunts and sneers. With absolute peace reigning, and 
the two emperors exchanging kisses of friendship, no secret 
was made of the opinion that this alliance would collapse 


the very day an attempt was made to lead it out of the 
glamor of the Nibelungen ideal into practical reality. 

How excited one got a few years later when, as the hour 
finally had come in which the alliances were to prove 
themselves, Italy jumped out of the Triple Alliance and let 
its two allies go their own way, and she herself finally be- 
came an enemy in the end! Only those who were not 
stricken with diplomatic blindness could not understand 
that people had even dared to believe for a single minute 
in the possibility of such a miracle, namely, that Italy 
would fight hand in hand with Austria. Even in Austria 
things did not differ by a hair's breadth. <* 

In Austria, the only bearers of the idea of the alliance 
were the Habsburgs and the Germans. The Habsburgs 
out of calculation and compulsion, the Germans out of good 
faith and political stupidity. Out of good faith because 
they thought that through the Triple Alliance they rendered 
a good service to the German Reich, that they helped to 
strengthen and to protect it: out of political stupidity, 
however, because neither was the first opinion right, but, 
on the contrary, they helped thus to shackle the Reich to 
a State carcass that was bound to pull them both into an 
abyss, but above all because through this alliance they 
themselves fell more and more to de-Germanization. For 
by the alliance with the Reich the Habsburgs were, and 
unfortunately could be, sure against an interference from 
this side; they were able to carry out more easily and with 
less risk their internal policy of the slow removal of Ger- 
manism. Not only that with the notorious 'objectivity' 
one no longer had to fear any objection on the part of the 
Reich's government, but by pointing at the alliance one 
was able to silence the German-Austrian voices that might 
be raised, from the German side, against Slavization in too 
infamous a fashion. 

Furthermore, what was the German in Austria to do if 


the Germans in the Reich proper expressed their esteem 
and confidence in the Habsburg regime? Was he to offer 
resistance, so that in the entire German public opinion he 
would be branded a traitor towards his own nationality? 
He who for centuries had made the most unheard-of sacri- 
fices for his nationality! 

But what was the value of this alliance, once the German 
nationality had been rooted out of the Habsburg monarchy? 
Did not the value of the Triple Alliance for Germany 
really depend on the preservation of the German superiority 
in Austria? Or did one really believe that one could still 
live in an alliance with a Slavic Habsburg realm? 

The attitude of official German diplomacy, but also that 
of the entire public opinion, towards the Austrian internal 
problem of nationalities was no longer stupid, no, it was 
absolutely insane. They trusted in an alliance, adjusted 
the safety of a people of seventy million to it and 
watched the partner systematically and relentlessly destroy 
the only foundation of this alliance from year to year. One 
day a ' treaty ' with the Viennese diplomacy would remain, 
but the allied assistance of a realm would be lost. 

This had been the case with Italy from the very begin- 

If one had studied history a little more clearly in Ger- 
many, and if one had applied a little racial psychology, one 
would not have believed for even one hour that the Quirinal 
in Rome and the Hofburg in Vienna would ever stand side 
by side in a common battle front. Italy would rather have 
become a volcano before any government could have dared 
to place even one single Italian on the battlefield of the so 
fanatically hated Habsburg State, except as an enemy. 
In Vienna I saw the passionate contempt and the bottom- 
less hatred flare up more than once with which the Italian 
was 'devoted 1 to the Austrian State. The damage that the 
House of Habsburg had done to Italian liberty and in- 


dependence for centuries was too great to have been for- 
gotten, even if the will to do so had been present. But it 
was not at all present; neither among the people nor with 
the Italian government. For Italy, therefore, there existed 
only two possibilities for living together with Austria; 
either alliance or war. 

By choosing the first, one was able quietly to prepare for 
the second. 

The German policy of alliance was as absurd as it was 
dangerous, especially since Austria's relation to Russia 
was drifting more and more towards a bellicose settle- 

It was a classical case in which the lack of any great and 
correct line of thought was lacking. 

Why, then, did one form an alliance at all? Certainly 
only in order to be able to guard the future of the Reich 
better than Germany, standing alone, would have been 
able to do. But the future of the Reich was nothing but 
the question of guarding the German people's possibility 
of existence. 

Therefore, the question could only be formulated thus: 
Along what lines should the life of the German nation 
develop in the near future, and how can one give this de- 
velopment the necessary foundations and the required 
security, within the frame of the general European rela- 
tions of power? 

When considering clearly the suppositions for German 
statesmanship's activity in foreign politics, one necessarily 
came to the following conclusion : 

Germany has an annual increase in population of almost 
900,000 souls. The difficulty of feeding this army of new 
citizens would become greater with every year, and was 
bound some day to end in a catastrophe, provided ways 
and means were not found to avert this impending danger 
of hunger-pauperization in time. 


jThere were four ways in which to avoid such a terrible 


(i) One could, following the French example, arti- 
ficially restrict the increase of births and thus avoid over- 

Nature herself, in times of great distress or bad climatic 
conditions, or where the yields of the soil are poor, steps 
in by restricting the population of certain countries or 
races; this, however, is a method that is as wise as it is 
ruthless. She does not restrict the procreative faculty as 
such, but the conservation of the propagated, by subjecting 
them to such severe trials and deprivations that all less 
strong and healthy are forced to return to the bosom of the 
eternally Unknown. What she allows to endure beyond 
the inclemency of existence is tested in a thousand ways, 
hard and well suited to continue to procreate, so that the 

This is one of the most important and frequently misunder- 
stood passages in the book. Oddly enough it has been looked 
upon as substantiating the 'healthy outlook' of the Third 
Reich. It is true, of course, the chronic artificial limitation of 
the population increase leads to highly deplorable social con- 
sequences: the age structure of the nation may change, so that 
the burden of age is abnormally heavy; normal economic 
markets, dependent upon the birth of children and the supply- 
ing of things children need, may dry up; and the inner structure 
of the family may be adversely affected. Hitler's argument is, 
however, derived from the racialistic materialists who, in the 
balmy days before the World War, predicted that the German 
population structure guaranteed success in the coming conflict. 
Their statement that the survival of the fittest assures that the 
begetters of new generations will be stronger and therefore more 
martial is an un verifiable assumption; and the view that nature 
is an infallible selector can easily be tested by the history of 
savage races now under observation. 

More significant, however, is the view that a people can hold 


thoroughgoing selection may start again from the beginning. 
Thus, by acting brutally against the individual and calling 
him back to herself the moment he is not equal to weather 
the storms of life, she conserves the strength of the race 
and species itself and even spurs it towards the highest 

Her diminishing of the number is a strengthening of the 
individual, thus finally a strengthening of the species. 

But it is different if man decides to carry out the re- 
striction of his numbers. He is not cut out of the same 
wood as Nature, but is 'human. 1 He knows better than 
this cruel Queen of all Wisdom. He does not restrict the 
continued existence of the individual, but rather propaga- 
tion itself. This seems to him, who always sees only him- 
self and never the race, more human and more justified 
than the reverse. Unfortunately, the consequences are also 
now the reverse: 

While Nature, by giving free rein to propagation but 

its place in the world only if it produces sufficient excess popula- 
tion to assure victory in wars of conquest. There is hardly 
another statement which has so profoundly disturbed com- 
fortable visions of the terrestial future. For many years it has 
underlain prophecies concerning the eventual war between 
'races'; and it has now for some time been a factor in the re- 
armament of Europe. All the dictatorships Russia, Italy, 
and Germany refer to their reservoirs of man-power as 
a warning to the weak and the small. In no other case, how- 
ever, has the campaign to increase the population because 
soldiers are needed been so dramatic as in Get many. The most 
eloquent summary of results to date is Hitler's Reichstag 
address of February, 1.938. He contended that there had been 
a notable increase in the number of children born. But when 
the figures advanced are set against the population curve, it 
becomes exceedingly doubtful whether the birth-rate per 
thousand married women is higher than it was previously. 


subjecting the conservation of life to the severest trials, 
and by choosing, from a surplus number of individuals, 
those who are most worthy of living, thus preserving them 
alone and now making them the bearers of the preservation 
of the species, man restricts propagation, but on the other 
hand he makes efforts to keep alive, at any price, every 
human being once it is born. This correction of the divine 
will seems to him to be as wise as it is human, and he is glad 
that he has outwitted Nature once more in such a matter, 
and that he even has given proof of her shortcomings. 
But, of course, the Lord's dear little monkey does not at 
all like to see or to hear that in reality, although the number 
has certainly been restricted, the value of the individual 
has been diminished. 

Because, once propagation as such has been limited and 
the number of births reduced, the natural struggle for 
existence, that allows only the very strongest and healthiest 
to survive, is replaced by the natural urge to 'save' at any 
price also the weakest and even sickest, thus planting the 
germ for a succession that is bound to become more and 
more miserable the longer this derision of Nature and of 
her will is continued. 

But the result will be that one day existence in this 
world will be denied such a people; because man may 
certainly defy the eternal law of the will to continue, but 
nevertheless revenge will come, sooner or later. A stronger 
generation will drive out the weaklings, because in its ulti- 
mate form the urge to live will again and again break the 
ridiculous fetters of a so-called * humanity' of the indi- 
vidual, so that its place will be taken by the 'humanity' of 
Nature which destroys weakness in order to give its place 
to strength. 

He who, therefore, would secure the German people's 
existence by way of a self-restriction of its increase robs it 
of its future. 


(2) A second way would be the one that is being sug- 
gested and eulogized more and more frequently today; 
domestic colonization. This is a suggestion which is well 
intended by as many as it is generally badly understood 
by most, so that it causes the greatest imaginable damage. 

The productivity of the soil can undoubtedly be in- 
creased to a certain limit. But of course only to a certain 
limit, and not continuously without end. Therefore, one 
could be able to balance the increase of the German people 
by the increased yield of our soil for some time, without 
having to think immediately of hunger. But this is con- 
fronted by the fact that, generally, the demands upon life 
increase faster than the number of the population. Men's 
demands with regard to food and clothes increase from 
year to year, and even now they are no longer in proportion 

When Hitler wrote these passages, they meant more than 
they do now. Prior to the War, Germany had depended to a 
considerable extent upon the exchange of manufactured goods 
for foodstuffs. Afterward, instructed by the blockade and 
handicapped by a lack of foreign exchange, she began to 
encourage more intensive farming. The results were a steady 
rise in crop production, aided by rigidly controlled markets. 
As a matter of fact, the government was able to take grain 
from Russia and resell it at a profit through Amsterdam. The 
argument now arose as to whether the attempt to supply 
sufficient grain ought not to be abandoned in favor of more 
specialized farming the production of poultry, eggs, milk. 
This could be realized if the eastern section of the country were 
broken up into small farms. Advocates of such resettlement 
program, modest beginnings in carrying out which had been 
made, insisted that it would also stop the overcrowding of cities 
and place a cordon of dependable men along the Polish border. 
In an official statement issued during March, 1930, the Nazis 
also expressed their approval of the idea, and some of their 
fading spokesmen promised to carry it out efficiently if they 


ro the needs of our forefathers of about a hundred years 
ago. It is, therefore, erroneous to believe that each increase 
in production creates the presupposition for an increase of 
the population: no; this is true only to a certain degree, for 
at least part of the surplus yield of the soil is used to satisfy 
the increased demands of men. But even with greatest 
economy on the one hand, and with the utmost industry 
on the other, here, also, though postponed for some time, a 
limit will become apparent one day, prescribed by the soil 
itself. Famine will return from time to time in periods of 
poor harvests, etc. This will occur more and more often 
with the increasing number of the population, and finally 
will fail to appear only at such rare times when years of 
plenty will have filled the granaries. But finally the time 
comes when it will no longer be possible to satisfy the needs, 
and famine will have become the eternal companion of 
such a people. Now Nature has to help again and to choose 
among those she has selected to live, or man will again help 
himself; that means, he turns to artificial restriction with 
all the grave consequences for race and species alluded 

Now, one may object that this future will threaten 
entire mankind in this way or the other, and that thus the 
individual peoples will not be able to escape this fate. 

At first sight this is certainly correct. Yet here one has 
to consider the following: 

Certainly the time will come, in consequence of the 
impossibility of adapting the fertility of the soil to the 
number of the increasing population, when the whole of 

came to power. But when the Republic attempted in 1931 to 
carry out an inner colonization program in dead earnest, it 
was dismissed by President von Hindenburg, now himself the 
owner of an East Prussian estate. Since that time, no real ef- 
fort has been made to tackle the problem. 


mankind will be forced to stop the increase of the human 
race and either let Nature decide again or to create the 
necessary balance by self-help, if possible, but then in a 
better way than that of today. But this would hit all na- 
tions, whereas today only those races are stricken by such 
distress which no longer have sufficient energy and strength 
to secure for themselves the soil they need in this world. 
For even today things are such that there is still soil on this 
earth in enormous extent that is unused and only awaits 
its cultivator. But it is also correct that Nature did not 
reserve this soil in itself for a certain nation or race as re- 
served territory for the future, but it is land and soil for 
that people which has the energy to take it and the in- 
dustry to cultivate it. 

Nature does not know political frontiers. She first puts 
the living beings on this globe and watches the free game 
of energies. He who is strongest in courage and industry 
receives, as her favorite child, the right to be the master 
of existence. 

If a people limits itself to domestic colonization, at a 
time when other races cling to greater and greater surfaces 
of the earth's soil, it will be forced to exercise self-restriction 
even while other nations will continue to increase. For 
some day this case will occur, and it will arrive the earlier 
the smaller the living space is that a people has at its dis- 
posal. As, unfortunately only too frequently, the best 
nations, or, better still, the really unique cultured races, 
the pillars of all human progress, in their pacifistic blindness 
decide to renounce the acquisition of new soil in order to 
content themselves with 'domestic* colonization, while 
inferior nations know full well how to secure enormous 
areas on this earth for themselves, this would lead to the 
following result: 

The culturally superior, but less ruthless, races would 
have to limit, in consequence of their limited soil, their 


increase even at a time when the culturally inferior, but 
more brutal and more natural, people, in consequence of 
their greater living areas, would be able to increase them- 
selves without limit. In other words: the world will, there- 
fore, some day come into the hands of a mankind that is 
inferior in culture but superior in energy and activity. 

For then there will be only two possibilities in the no 
matter how distant future: either the world will be ruled 
according to the ideas of our modern democracy, and then 
the stress of every decision falls on the races which are 
stronger in numbers, or the world will be dominated ac- 
cording to the law of the natural order of energy, and then 
the people of brute strength will be victorious, and again, 
therefore, not the nations of self-restriction. 

But one may well believe that this world will still be 
subject to the fiercest fights for the existence of mankind. 
In the end, only the urge for self-preservation will eternally 
succeed. Under its pressure so-called 'humanity,' as the 
expression of a mixture of stupidity, cowardice, and an 
imaginary superior intelligence, will melt like snow under 
the March sun. Mankind has grown strong in eternal 
struggles and it will only perish through eternal peace. 

For us Germans, however, the watchword 'domestic 
colonization' is unfortunate for the reason that with us it 

The 'Programme der N.S.D.A.P.' drawn up by Feder, stipu- 
lated that the government would insist upon a 'land reform 
consonant with our national needs, passage of a law to provide 
for the confiscation, without payment, of ground needed for 
communal purposes, abolition of interest on land, and preven- 
tion of every kind of speculation in land.' This passage created 
a good deal of bad blood, and on April 13, 1928, Hitler pub- 
lished an official correction stating that since the Party believed 
in private property, this clause could only mean that land ac- 
quired in unlawful or immoral ways by Jewish speculators. 


at once enhances, from the pacifistic outlook, the opinion 
that we have found a means which allows us to 'work out* 
an existence in twilight sleep. Once this doctrine will have 
been taken seriously with us, it would mean the end of 
every effort to secure in this world the place that is ours. 
Once the average German gained the conviction that he 
might secure his life and his future in such a way, every 
attempt at an active and fruitful representation of the 
German necessities of life would be eliminated. By such 
an attitude on the part of the nation all really useful foreign 
politics, and, with it, the future of the German people on 
the whole, could be looked upon as dead and buried. 

In realizing these consequences it is not by accident that 
primarily the Jew always tries, and knows how, to implant 
such deadly and dangerous thoughts in our people. He 
knows his customers only too well not to know that they 
gratefully fall victims to any Spanish treasure swindler 
who tries to make them believe that a means has now been 
found to play a trick on Nature, to make the hard and in- 
exorable struggle for life superfluous, so that in its place, be 
it by work or sometimes also by merely doing nothing, 
just 'as the case may be/ one can rise to be master of the 

It cannot be emphasized sharply enough that all German 
domestic colonization has to serve, primarily, only to abolish 
social abuses, but above all to withdraw the soil from general 
speculation, and that it can never suffice to secure the future 
of the nation without new land and soil. 

If this is not done, then, after a short time, we will not 

Expropriation of property owned by Jews or political enemies 
has been fairly continuous, but reached new heights during 
1938. In Austria Jewish cultural centers and Jewish homes 
alike were taken away, without any legal formality other than 


only have arrived at the limit of our soil, but also at the end 
of our strength. 

But finally, the following must also be established : 

The restriction to a certain small surface of soil, as con- 
ditioned by domestic colonization, and the same final result 
which is achieved by limitation of propagation, lead to an 
extremely unfavorable military political situation of the 
nation involved. 

The size of a people's living area includes an essential 
factor for the determination of its outward security. The 
greater the amount of room a people has at its disposal, 
the greater is also its natural protection; because military 
victories over nations crowded in small territories have 
always been reached more quickly and more easily, espe- 
cially more effectively and more completely, than in the 
cases of States which are territorially greater in size. The 
size of the State territory, therefore, gives a certain pro- 
tection against frivolous attacks, as success may be gained 
only after long and severe fighting and, therefore, the risk 
of an impertinent surprise attack, except for quite unusual 
reasons, will appear too great. In the greatness of the State 
territory, therefore, lies a reason for the easier preservation 
of a nation's liberty and independence, whereas, in the 
reverse case, the smallness of such a formation simply in- 
vites seizure. 

The two first-mentioned possibilities for the creation 
of a balance between the rising numbers of population and 
the unchanging territory were indeed rejected by the so- 
called national circles of the Reich. The reasons for this 
attitude were of course different from those mentioned 
above: towards birth control one primarily showed a nega- 
tive attitude because of a certain moral feeling; domestic 
colonization was indignantly rejected, as in it one scented 
an attack against the great landowners, and with it the 
beginning of a general fight against private property aa 


such. The form in which the latter doctrine of salvation 
especially was recommended justified this assumption. 

In general, however, the defense against the great masses 
was not very skillful and did not meet the nucleus of the 

Thus, there remained but two ways to assure work and 
bread to the increasing number of people. 

(3) One could either acquire new soil in order annually to 
send off the superfluous millions, and thus conserve the na- 
tion further on on the basis of a self-sustainment, or one 
could set about, 

(4) through industry and trade, to produce for foreign 
consumption and to live on the proceeds. <? 

That means: either territorial policy, or colonial and 
trade policy. 

Both ways were examined, investigated, recommended, 
and fought, till finally the second one was carried out. 

The healthier of the two, of course, was the first. 

The acquisition of new land and soil for the settling of the 
superfluous population has no end of advantages, especially 
when turning away from the present towards the future. 

The very possibility of preserving a healthy peasant class 
as the basis of the entire nation can never be sufficiently 
valued. To a great extent many of our present sufferings 
are only the consequences of the unhealthy proportion be- 
tween town and country population. A solid stock of small 
and medium peasants was at all times the best protection 
against social ills as we have them today. This is also the 
only solution that allows a nation to find its daily bread in 
the inner circle of its domestic economy. Industry and 
trade step back from their unwholesome leading positions 
into the general frame of a national economy of balanced 
demand and supply. Both are then no longer the basis of a 
nation's subsistence, but a means to it. Inasmuch as now 
they have a balance between their supply and demand in all 


fields, they make the entire support of the nation inde- 
pendent of foreign countries, thus helping to secure the lib- 
erty of the State and the independence of the nation, espe- 
cially in times of distress. 

Obviously, such a territorial policy, howe^ 
its fulfillment in the Cameroons, for 
exclusively only in Europe. One must i 
accept the point of view that it certainly/ 
intention to give fifty times as much 
earth to one nation as compared with ai! 
political frontiers must not keep us awaj 
of eternal right. If this earth really has : 
to live in, then one should give us the spa? 
for living. 

One will certainly not like to do this. Then, however, the 

Here Hitler, following Rosenberg and some other theorists, 
professes disinterestedness in what has since become a familiar 
Nazi demand. The two greatest apostles of colonial acquisi- 
tion in Africa and elsewhere have been Dr. Heinrich Schnee 
and Dr. Hjalmar Schacht. The first, who was a prominent Ger- 
man colonial officer before the War, has led the fight to revise 
the Treaty of Versailles to permit restoration to Germany of 
her former colonies. But the influence of Dr. Schacht has been 
far greater. In the memoirs of President Friedrich Ebert, one 
reads that Schacht, then a little known official whose affiliation 
with the Democratic Party had brought him good Jewish con- 
nections, had proposed a scheme whereby Germany was to 
purchase with American money the Portuguese colony of 
Angola. After 1933 Schacht intensified his drive, with the 
result that the point of view taken in Mein Kampf appeared to 
have been revised. It is probable, however, that recent agita- 
tion has been directed in the main towards getting possession of 
Southwest Africa and possibly indirect control of the whole of 
South Africa, where a great deal of money has been spent on 
propaganda and where the party is relatively strong. For a 


right of self-preservation comes into effect; and what has 
been denied to kindness will have to be taken with the fist. 
Had our forefathers once made their decisions dependent on 
the same pacifistic nonsense as that of our present time, we 
should own altogether only one third of our present terri- 
tory; but in that case a German people would not have any 
cause for uneasiness in Europe. No. To their natural de- 
termination to fight for their own existence we owe the two 
Ostmarks of the Reich and with it that internal strength of 
the greatness of our State and national territory that alone 
enabled us to exist to this day. 

This solution would have been the right one for another 
reason also: 

Many European States today are comparable to pyramids 
standing on their points. Their European territory is ridicu- 
lously small as compared with their burden of colonies, for- 
eign trade, etc. One may say, the point is in Europe, the 
base in the whole world ; in comparison with the American 
Union, which still has its bases in its own continent and 
touches the remaining part of the world only with its points. 
From this results, however, the unheard-of internal 
strength of this State and the weakness of most of the 
European colonial powers. 

Even England is no proof to the contrary, for because of 
the British Empire, one only too easily forgets the Anglo- 
Saxon world as such. England cannot be compared with 
any other State in Europe, if only because of her linguistic 
and cultural communion with the American Union. 

time it seemed as if the British were willing to make a deal, but 
more recently their ardor has cooled perceptibly. At the close 
of 1938 'colonial schools' in Germany were training young 
people for colonial administration. Some also feel that the Ger- 
man government would also not be averse to dividing the 
French colonies in Africa with the Italians. 


For Germany, therefore, the only possibility of carrying 
out a sound territorial policy was to be found in the acquisi- 
tion of new soil in Europe proper. Colonies cannot serve 
this purpose, since they do not appear suitable for settle- 
ment with Europeans on a large scale. But in the nine- 
teenth century it was no longer possible to gain such colo- 
nial territories in a peaceful way. Such a colonial policy 
could only have been carried out by means of a hard struggle 
which would have been fought out more suitably, not for 
territories outside Europe, but rather for land in the home 
continent itself. 

Such a decision, however, requires undivided devotion. 
It doesn't do to set out half-heartedly or even hesitatingly 
on a task, the execution of which seems possible only with 
the exertion of the utmost energy. Then also the entire 

The theory that Germany can expand at the expense of 
Russia has very complex origins and possibly an equally com- 
plicated future. A large section of the Nazi Party has always 
been skeptical of this idea; and after 1919 the dominant point 
of view among German nationalists was that Russia must be 
made an ally, with whose help the war of revenge might be 
waged against the Western Powers. Even Count Ernst zu 
Reventlow, a Nazi but with a nuance all his own, once conferred 
with Karl Radek on the possibility of such an alliance. From 
time to time since 1933 army officers in the two countries have 
discussed the thing anew. It is usually thought that the ' crisis ' 
which Stalin solved by ordering the execution of many high 
officials in the Soviet government and army was the product of 
one such conversation. It is therefore not at all improbable 
that this policy may triumph ultimately despite all that has 
been said to the contrary. 

Hitler's attitude as stated here seems in the main derivative 
from two sources: first, the speculations of Alfred Rosenberg, 
and the views entertained by Generals Ludendorff and Max 
Hoffman on the Treaty of Brest-Li tovsk, signed with Bolshevist 


political authority of the Reich would have had to serve this 
exclusive purpose; never should any step have been taken 
from considerations other than the realization of this task 
and its conditions. One had to make it clear to oneself that 
this goal could be reached only through fighting, and quietly 
to face the passage at arms. 

All the alliances should have been examined exclusively 
from this point of view and evaluated according to their 
suitability. If one wanted land and soil in Europe, then by 
and large this could only have been done at Russia's ex- 
pense, and then the new Reich would again have to start 
marching along the road of the knights of the orders 
[Ordensritter: it is possible that the author meant to use 
the word Ritterorden, i.e., crusaders] of former times to give, 

Russia in 1918. Rosenberg was born in Reval and educated in 
Moscow. Following the triumph of Lenin, he came to Germany 
and settled in Munich, where he met Hitler and became the 
'philosopher* of the Nazi Party. His obscure racial origins 
he is certainly partly of Tartar blood and may even have Jewish 
ancestors his cloudy intellectual background, and his advo- 
cacy of a Germanic religion are familiar topics of conversation 
in all circles where Germany is discussed. He once drew from 
Dr. Brtlning, speaking before the Reichstag, the following fa- 
mous rebuke: 'I have been accused of a dearth of affection for 
my country by a gentleman who, while I was fighting for the 
fatherland, had not yet made up his mind if he had a father- 
land. 1 

It is quite probable that Rosenberg was initiated in the out- 
look of the 'Black Hundred,' as a rightist secret organization 
which kept the Czarist police on their toes before the War was 
called. This ultra-nationalistic and violently anti-Semitic 
group may, indeed, have transmitted to Hitler, through Rosen- 
berg, the deeper bases of his doctrine. Careful study of the pos- 
sible sources of this man's views is badly needed. At any rate, 
Rosenberg: argued that just as a Bolshevist Russia had once 


with the help of the German sword, the soil to the plow 
and the daily bread to the nation. 

For such a policy, however, there was only one single ally 
in Europe: England. 

With England alone, one's back being covered, could one 
begin the new Germanic invasion. Our right to do this 
would not have been less than that of our forefathers. None 
of our pacifists refuses to eat the bread of the East, although 
the first plow was once called ' sword ' ! 

To gain England's favor, no sacrifice should have been 
too great. Then one would have had to renounce colonies 
and sea power, but to spare British industry our compe- 

Only an unconditionally clear attitude could lead to such 
a goal: renouncing world trade and colonies; renouncing a 

almost seized Germany, so in turn a Nazi Germany might 
seize Russia. 

The coveted territory is sometimes held to be Ac Ukraine 
which Ludendorff and Hoffman set up as an independent State 
in 1918. This is a 'wheat granary' and much else besides. 
Assuming that the Ukrainians are dissatisfied with Soviet rule, 
the plan would be to foment a revolution there, set up an inde- 
pendent State, and exercise a protectorate over it. But in 1918 
Poland objected bitterly to the cession of the Province of Cholm 
to the Ukraine, and without Cholm a united Ukraine is incon- 
ceivable. The effect of a new step in this direction during 1938 
immediately caused the Polish government to foster better 
relations with Russia. Moreover, it is not dear whether, sup- 
posing that all obstacles were surmounted and an independent 
Ukraine were set up, Germany could exploit the region as the 
theorists assume. As for Russia, it cannot give up without a 
struggle a region upon which it depends for bread and inside 
which some of its major industrial plants are situated. 

Accordingly the arguments in favor of assuming that the 
German future lies where Hitler said it did in 1925 must be set 


German war fleet. Concentration of the State's entire 
means of power in the land army. 

The result would certainly have been a momentary re- 
striction, but a great and powerful future. 

There was a time when England would have permitted 
herself to engage in discussions such as these. She under- 
stood quite well that Germany, in consequence of her in- 
crease in population, had to look for some way out, and 
would find this either with England's co-operation in 
Europe, or without England in the world. 

It was attributable, probably, to this idea that at the turn 
of the century London herself tried to approach Germany. 
In those days there appeared for the first time that which 
we have had an opportunity of observing in a really terrify- 
ing manner in these times. One was unpleasantly affected 

off against arguments that stress the difficulties in the way. 
Equally important as a factor is the growing similarity between 
the Russian and the German regimes, now often pointed out. 
During 1920, a Social Democratic commission went from Ger- 
many to study the actual achievements of the Soviet system. 
The report then issued by one of its members, Wilhelm Ditt- 
mann, corresponds strikingly with any of the number of reports 
on the Nazi system now being written by observers of the same 

Rosenberg and others have been convinced that British sup- 
port could be gained for any serious attempt to undermine the 
Russian system and therewith stamp out the Third Interna- 
tional as a fomenter of world revolution. Two reasons for this 
conviction are usually advanced. The first is the support re- 
ceived by White Russian revolutionists from English sources, 
which support has occasionally been deflected to Hitler. The 
second is the feud long since in progress between certain British 
financiers and the Soviet system. Sir Henry Deterding, the oil 
magnate, was themost manifest of the partisans of Germany ; and 


by the idea that now one would have to 'pull the chestnuts 
out of the fire ' for England ; as if an alliance were at all con- 
ceivable on a basis other than that of mutual business 
transactions! Such a business could very well have been 
done with England. British diplomacy was still clever 
enough to know that, without reciprocal service, no service 
could be expected. 

Imagine that a clever German foreign policy assumed 
Japan's r61e in 1904, and one can hardly realize what conse- 
quences this would have had for Germany. 

It would never have come to a 'World War.' 

The blood of the year 1904 would have saved the tenfold 
amount of the years 1914 till 1918. 

But what position would Germany have in the world 

To be sure, the alliance with Austria was an absurdity in 
that case. 

Because this mummy of a State did not unite with Ger- 
many in order to fight a war, but rather for the conserva- 
tion of eternal peace, which then could have been cleverly 
used for the slow but certain extinction of the German na- 
tion in the monarchy. 

This alliance, however, was an impossibility, for the rea- 
son that one could not expect official representation of 
national German interests on the part of a State, so long as 
it had not even the power and the determination to make 

the reader can surmise the existence of other connections if he 
studies Ourselves and Germany, by Lord Londonderry, Doubt- 
less a more important factor has been the British endeavor to 
deflect a war if there must be war from western Europe. 
Yet, however willing London might be to let Germany become 
entangled in the East, the chances have grown less and less im- 
pressive that any support for such a maneuver would be forth- 


an end to the process of de-Germanization outside its imme- 
diate frontier. If Germany did not possess enough national 
consciousness and also ruthlessness to tear the disposition 
of the fate of the ten million tribesmen from the hands of 
this impossible Habsburg State, then one could hardly 
expect that it would ever offer its help to such farseeing and 
daring plans. The attitude of the old Reich towards the 
Austrian question was the touchstone for its attitude in the 
entire nation's fateful struggle. 

IH any event, one should not have looked on idly while 
the German nation was being pushed back from year to 
year, as Austria's value as an ally was determined exclu- 
sively by the preservation of the German element. 

However, one did not go this way at all. 

One feared nothing more than a fight, so that finally in 
the least favorable hour one was nevertheless forced into it. 

One tried to escape Fate and was overtaken by it. One 
dreamed of the preservation of world peace and landed in 
the World War. 

For this was the most important reason why one never 
considered this third way of the formation of a German 
future. One knew that the acquisition of new soil was to be 

These passages imply not only a critique of Germany's pre- 
War policy, but also indeed, primarily a negation of the 
views then prevalent in the Alldeutscher Verband (Pan-German 
League). Its leaders, Heinrich Class in particular, had looked 
upon a war with the western powers as inevitable, had there- 
fore cherished the alliance with Austria, and had counseled 
rapprochement with Russia. After the War generals who had 
sponsored the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk professed to believe that 
the opposite point of view had been theirs all along; and to their 
analysis Hitler added his contempt for the Habsburg State. 
It is still far too early to predict that the plan sponsored in 
Mein Kampf will be rigidly adhered to. 


attained only in the East, and one saw the necessary fight, 
and yet one wanted peace at any price; for the watchword 
of German foreign politics had long ceased to be, preserva- 
tion of the German nation by all means, but rather, preser- 
vation of the world peace by all available means. It is well 
known how this succeeded. 

I will come back to this point in particular. 

Thus there remained still the fourth possibility: industry 
and world trade, sea power and colonies. 

Such a development, in the first instance, could be 
reached more easily and more quickly. The settlement of 
land and soil is a slow process that often takes centuries; in 
this its inner strength may be sought that it does not mean 
a sudden flaring-up, but a slow but thorough and continued 
growing, as compared with the industrial development 
which can be blown up in the course of a few years, which 
then, however, resembles a soap bubble more than genuine 
strength. Of course, a fleet can be built more quickly than 
the establishment of farms and settling them with farmers, 
a tough struggle; but it can also be destroyed more quickly. 

If Germany, nevertheless, chose this way, then one had 
at least to recognize clearly that this development also 
would some day end in fighting. Only children could be- 
lieve that, through friendly and civilized behavior and con- 
tinued emphasis on a friendly disposition, could they 
gather their ' bananas' in a 'peaceful competition of na- 
tions/ as one so nicely and unctuously chattered, without 
ever being forced to take up arms. 

No; if we went this way, then England would some day 
become our enemy. It was more than absurd to get indig- 
nant at this, but it was in keeping with our own harmless- 
ness that England took the liberty of some day meeting our 
peaceful activity with the brutality of the violent egoist. 

We, I regret to say, would never have done this. 

If European territorial policy could be carried out against 


Russia only with England as an ally, then, on the other 
hand, colonial and world trade policy was conceivable only 
against England with the help of Russia. But then one 
would here also have had to accept the consequences ruth- 
lessly and above all one would have to drop Austria 

Looked at from any direction, this alliance was genuine 
madness as early as the turn of the century. 

However, one did not at all think of forming an alliance 
with Russia against England, nor with England against 
Russia, for in both cases the end would have been war, and 
to prevent this one decided in favor of a trade and indus- 
trial policy. With the 'peaceful economic' conquest of the 
world one had a formula which was supposed to break the 
neck of the former policy of force once and for all. But 
sometimes one was not quite sure of this, especially when 
from time to time quite unintelligible threats came over 
from England; therefore, one decided to build a fleet, but 
again not for attack or for the destruction of England, but 
for the 'defense' of the already mentioned 'world peace' 
and of the 'peaceful conquest' of the world. Therefore, it 
was kept a little more modestly in all and everything, not 
only in number, but also in tonnage of the single ships as 
well as in armament, so that finally one could manifest 
'peaceful* intentions after all. 

The talk of the 'peaceful economic conquest' of the 
world was certainly the greatest folly that was ever made 
the leading principle of a State policy. This nonsense was 
still further increased by the fact that one did not shy off 
from calling England as the crown witness for the possibility 
of such an achievement. What sins the historical doctrine 
and conception of our professors helped on thereby can 
hardly be remedied, and it is only a striking proof of the 
manner in which people today 'learn' history without 
understanding or even grasping it. Precisely in England 


one should have realized the striking refutation of this 
theory: no nation has more carefully prepared its economic 
conquest with the sword with greater brutality and de- 
fended it later on more ruthlessly than the British. Is it not 
a characteristic of British statesmanship to draw economic 
conquests from political force and at once to mold every 
economic strengthening into political power? But what a 
mistake to believe that England was perhaps personally too 
* cowardly ' to shed her own blood in defense of her economic 
policy! The fact that the English people had no 'national 
army' in no way proved the contrary; for it is not the mili- 
tary form of the defensive power of the moment that counts, 
but rather the will and the determination to risk what is at 
hand. England always possessed the armament that she 
needed. She always fought with the weapons that were 
required for success. She fought with mercenaries as long 
as mercenaries sufficed; but she also dipped into the most 
valuable blood of the entire nation whenever such a sacrifice 
alone was able to bring about victory; but the determina- 
tion to fight and the tenacity and unflinching conduct 
always remained the same. 

In Germany, however, by way of school, press, and comic 
papers, one gradually created an image of the character of 
the Englishman and even more of his realm that led to one 
of the most catastrophic self-deceptions; because everything 
was gradually infected by this folly, and its consequence 
was an underestimation that took its most bitter revenge. 
This deception went so deep and was so great that one was 

This is doubtless intended for the consumption of the ' English 
cousins.' In 1914 Germany was not misled by a few cartoons 
into thinking that the English were gulls; it jumped, by reason 
of the British government's non-committal statements, to the 
belief that it would find England neutral . . . long enough, at 
any rate, to permit Moltke to defeat France. 


convinced that one saw in the Englishman a merchant as 
crafty as he was personally incredibly cowardly. That an 
empire of the size of the British had not been brought to- 
gether by sneaking and swindling never occurred to our 
sublime teachers of professorial wisdom. The few who 
uttered warnings were not listened to or were passed by in 
silence. I well remember the astonished faces of my com- 
rades, when in Flanders we faced the Tommies personally. 
After the first few days of battle the conviction dawned on 
everyone that these Scots did not quite correspond to those 
one had thought fit to describe to us in comic papers and 
newspaper dispatches. 

In those days I formed my first reflections about the use- 
fulness of the form of propaganda. 

But this falsification had one good side for those who 
spread it; by this example, although it was wrong, one was 
able to demonstrate the fact that the economic conquest of 
the world was correct. We, too, could succeed where the 
Englishman had succeeded, where by our greater honesty 
the lack of that specific English 'perfidy' could be looked 
upon as a special asset. For in this one hoped to win the 
sympathy of the smaller nations especially as well as the 
confidence of the greater ones more easily. 

For the reason alone that we believed all this quite seri- 
ously, we did not see that our honesty was an abomination 
in the eyes of the others, while the rest of the world consid- 
ered this behavior as the expression of an especially sly 
mendacity, till at last, to the greatest astonishment of all, 
the revolution gave a deeper insight into the unlimited 
stupidity of our 'honest' conviction. 

But from the nonsense of this 'peaceful economic con- 
quest 9 of the world the absurdity of the Triple Alliance was 
at once clear and understandable. With what other State, 
then, could we form an alliance? Together with Austria one 
could really not set out on a ' martial ' conquest, let us say, 


even in Europe. In this very fact lay the inner weakness of 
this alliance from the first day. A Bismarck was allowed 
to take this emergency measure, but not any bungling suc- 
cessor, and least of all at a time when the essential supposi- 
tions for Bismarck's alliance had long ceased to exist; for 
Bismarck still believed he had a German State in Austria. 
With the gradual introduction of general suffrage, however, 
this country had come down to the level of a parliamentar- 
ily ruled, un-German medley. 

Then, too, the alliance with Austria was disastrous from 
the point of view of a racial policy. One tolerated the rising 
of a new Slavic great power at the frontier of the Reich 
which sooner or later would take an attitude towards Ger- 
many quite different from that of, for example, Russia. 
But the alliance itself, therefore, was bound to become 
weaker from year to year and more hollow internally in the 
same proportion in which the only supporters of this idea 
lost their influence in the monarchy and were crowded out 
of the most authoritative posts. 

At the turn of the century the alliance with Austria had 
entered into exactly the same state as Austria's alliance with 

IJere, too, there existed only two possibilities: either one 
was in alliance with the Habsburg monarchy, or one had to 
protest against the suppression of the German nationality. 
Once one starts a thing like that, the end is usually open 

The value of the Triple Alliance was psychologically mod- 
est, as the stability of an alliance increases in the measure in 
which the individual contracting parties hope to attain cer- 
tain seizable, expansive goals through it. On the other 
hand, an alliance will be the weaker the more it restricts 
itself to the preservation of an existing condition as such. 
Here also, as everywhere, the strength lies not in defense but 
in attack. 


This was already recognized in those days by various 
sides, unfortunately not by those who were the so-called 
'chosen/ Especially Ludendorff, then Colonel in the Great 
Army Staff, pointed to these weaknesses in a memorandum 
of the year 1912. But on the part of the 'statesmen,' of 
course, no value or importance was attributed to the mat- 
ter; for, on the whole, clear common sense becomes appar- 
ent only through common mortals, but is not necessary 
where 'diplomats' are concerned. 

It was indeed fortunate for Germany that the war finally 
broke out in 1914 by way of Austria, so that the Habsburgs 
were forced to join; had it been the other way round, Ger- 
many would have stood alone. Never would the Habsburg 
State have been able or willing to join in a fight that had 
been caused by Germany. What later one judged so 
severely about Italy would have happened even earlier with 
Austria; one would have remained 'neutral/ so as to save 
the State from a revolution at the very beginning. The 
Austrian Slavic nationalities would have smashed the mon- 
archy in 1914 rather than have helped Germany. 

But only very few were able to realize how great the 
dangers and difficulties were which the alliance with the 
Danubian monarchy involved. 

First of all, Austria had too many enemies who hoped to 
inherit from the decaying State, so that a certain hatred was 
bound to break out against Germany in the course of time, 
as one considered Germany the cause preventing the decline 
of the monarchy, hoped for and longed for from all sides. 
One arrived at the conviction that Vienna was only to be 
reached by way of Berlin. 

But with this Germany lost, secondly, the best and most 
hopeful possibilities for an alliance. It was replaced by an 
ever-increasing tension with Russia and even Italy. In 
Rome especially the general mood was as pro-German as 
it was anti-Austrian in the heart of even the most humble 
Italian, sometimes flaring up vividly. 


t Now, since one had taken up a commercial and industrial 
policy, there was no longer even the slightest cause for a war 
against Russia. Only the enemies of both nations could still 
have a lively interest in that. Indeed, it was primarily only 
Jews and socialists who stirred and fanned public opinion 
towards a war between these two States with all possible 

Finally, and thirdly, this alliance must needs harbor an 
unlimited danger for Germany for the reason that a great 
power that was hostile to the Reich of Bismarck could easily 
succeed at any time in mobilizing quite a number of States 
against Germany, as one was able to promise enrichment 
for each of them at the expense of Austria's ally. 

One had to stir up the entire East of Europe against the 
Danubian monarchy, especially Russia and Italy. Never 
would the world coalition have come together that began to 
form itself with King Edward's initiating activity, had not 
Austria, as Germany's ally, represented a too tempting 
legacy. Only thus did it become possible to bring States, 
which otherwise had such heterogeneous wishes and aims, 
into one single front. With a general advance against Ger- 
many, every one of them could hope to receive enrichment 
at the expense of Austria. The danger was increased exceed- 
ingly by the fact that now Turkey also seemed to be a silent 
partner of this unfortunate alliance. 

But international Jewish world finance needed this bait 
in order to carry out the longed-for plan of a destruction of 

4 International Jewry* as the instigator of war was one of 
divers concoctions made to soothe the patriotic ache. It is 
served up constantly in anti-Semitic brochures and periodicals 
of the post- War period. A favorite name was that of Mr. J. P. 
Morgan, who was endowed with Hebrew blood. The theory 
is a kind of extreme Rightist counterpart to the Marxist view 
that the drift to war is inherent in the capitalist system. 


Germany, which did not yet submit herself to the general 
super-State control of finance and economics. Only with 
this was one able to forge a coalition, made strong and cour- 
ageous by the armies numbering millions now on the march, 
ready to attack the horned Siegfried at last. 

The alliance with the Habsburg monarchy, which had 
filled me with discontent while I was still in Austria, now 
began to become the cause of long internal trials which in 
the interval merely strengthened the opinion I had previ- 
ously made.-* 

Even in those days, in the small circles which I fre- 
quented, I did not conceal my opinion that this unfortunate 
treaty with a State destined to destruction would also lead 
to a catastrophic collapse of Germany, unless one knew how 
to break away in time, I never wavered even for a moment 
in my firm conviction, even when the storm of the World 
War seemed to have excluded all reasonable thinking and 
the ecstasy of enthusiasm had even seized those for whom 
there should have existed the coldest consideration of real- 
ity. When I was at the front, whenever these problems were 
discussed, I upheld my opinion that the alliance should be 
broken, the sooner the better for the German nation, and 
that the price of the abandonment of the Austrian mon- 
archy would be no sacrifice at all, if by this Germany could 
gain a lessening in the number of her enemies; because it 
was not for the preservation of a dissolute dynasty that mil- 
lions had put on the steel helmet, but for the salvation of 
the German nation. 

A few times before the War it seemed as though at least in 
one camp there had appeared a slight doubt about the cor- 
rectness of the policy of alliance. German conservative cir- 
cles from time to time began to warn against too great a 
confidence, but this was thrown to the wind, as was done 
with all that was sensible. One was convinced that one was 
on the right way to a 'conquest' of the world, the success of 


which would be enormous, the sacrifices for which would be 

Once more the only choice of the notorious 'un-chosen* 
was to watch in silence why and how the 'chosen' marched 
straight towards destruction, drawing the innocent people 
behind them like the piper of Hamelin. 

The deeper causes of the possibility of presenting, and 
even of making understandable, the absurdity of an 
'economic conquest' as a practical political way, the 
preservation of 'world peace' as a political goal, to an 
entire people was found in the general indisposition of 
our entire political thinking as a whole. 

With the victorious march of German technical skill and 
industry, with the rising successes of German trade, the 
knowledge was gradually lost that all this was only possible 
on the basis of a strong State. On the contrary, in many 
circles one went so far as to have the opinion that the State 
itself owed its existence only to these developments, that 
the State itself represented only an economic institution, 
that it was to be ruled according to economic rules, and that 
therefore it depended in its makeup on economics, a condi- 
tion which was then looked upon and praised as by far the 
soundest and most natural. 

But the State has nothing whatsoever to do with a 
definite conception of economics or development of eco- 

The State is not an assembly of commercial parties 
in a certain prescribed space for the fulfillment of economic 
tasks, but the organization of a community of physically 
and mentally equal human beings for the better possibility 
of the furtherance of their species as well as for the fulfill- 
ment of the goal of their existence assigned to them by 
Providence. This, and nothing else, is the purpose and the 


meaning of a State. Economy is, therefore, only one of the 
many auxiliary means necessary for reaching this goal. But 
it is never the cause or the purpose of a State, provided the 
latter is not based from the start on a foundation that is 
wrong because it is unnatural. Only thus can it be explained 
that the State, as such, need not even have a territorial 
limitation as its assumption. This will be necessary only 
with those nations which for their own part want to secure 
the maintenance of their fellow men; that means that they 
are ready to fight the struggle for existence by their own 
work. Nations which are able to sneak their way into the 
rest of mankind like drones, in order to make them work for 
them under all kinds of pretexts, are able to form States 
without any certain limited living area of their own. This 
may be said primarily of that people under the parasitism 
of which, especially today, the entire honest mankind has 
to suffer: the Jews. 

The Jewish State was never spatially limited in itself; it 
was universally unlimited in respect to space, but it was 
restricted to the collectivity of a race. This is the reason 
why this people always forms a State within other States. 
It was one of the most ingenious tricks that was ever in- 
vented to let this State sail under the flag of 'religion/ 
thus securing for it the tolerance that the Aryan is always 
ready to grant to a religious denomination. Actually the 
Mosaic religion is nothing but a doctrine of the preservation 
of the Jewish race. Therefore, it comprises also nearly all 

The Old Testament conceived of as a volume written to ex- 
pound the nationalistic philosophy of the Jewish race is now a 
favorite item on the Nazi cultural menu. Rosenberg writes in 
Mythus des 2on Jahrhunderts (Myth of the 2Oth Century): 
4 As a book of religion, the Old Testament must be done away 
with once and for all. That will end the unsuccessful attempt 
of 1500 years to turn us mentally into Jews, with the result, 


sociological, political, and economic fields of knowledge 
which could ever come into question. 
fThe instinct of preserving the species is the first cause 
of the formation of human communities. But the State 
is a folk organism and not an economic organization. A 
difference that is as great as it remains incomprehensible 
to the so-called 'statesmen/ especially of today. They 
believe, therefore, that they can build up the State by 
economy, whereas in reality it is always the result of the 
activity of those qualities which lie in line with the will to 
preserve the species and the race. But these are always 
heroic virtues and never commercial egoism, since the pre- 
servation of the existence of a species presupposes the 
individual's willingness to sacrifice itself. This is the very 

among other things, that we are at present materially depend- 
ent upon Jews.' For him as for his assistants in Nazi educa- 
tional effort (J. Von Leers, for instance), the Old Testament is 
nothing but a collection of stories about prostitutes and cattle- 
traders. By comparison the Germanic legends and the German 
mystics teach heroism, soldierly conduct, and purity. The 
endeavors of the Christian Churches to defend the Sacred 
Books against the official propagandists are reflected in the 
answers to the Mythits written by Catholic and Protestant 
scholars. Of especial importance are the Advent sermons 
preached by Cardinal Faulhaber, of Munich, on the sub- 
ject. These are reprinted in Judaism, Christianity and Ger- 

A recent pamphleteer puts this more succinctly: 'Our people 
in arms is no longer an army. It has become the youthful fight- 
ing nation. The army, the police, the armed organizations of 
our youth, can now be used for greater national purposes. 
Producers of foodstuffs, members of the teaching profession, 
and all other groups in the community are now prepared to 
work for the good of the nation as a whole when emergency 


meaning of the poet's words ' Und setzet ihr nicht das Leben 
tin, nie wird Euch das Leben gewonnen sein* [Unless you 
stake your life, never will life be won], that the sacrifice of 
the personal existence is necessary in order to guarantee the 
preservation of the species. Thus the most essential sup- 
position for the formation and preservation of a State is 
the presence of a certain feeling of homogeneity on the basis 
of the same entity and the same species, as well as the 
readiness to risk one's life for this with all means, something 
that will lead nations on their own soil to the creation of 
heroic virtues, but parasites to mendacious hypocrisy and 
malicious cruelty; that is, these qualities must be present 
as the supposition for their existence which varies in the 
various State forms. But the formation of a State will 
always be brought about by at least originally risking these 
qualities, whereby in the struggle of self-preservation those 
people will be defeated that means be subject to enslave- 
ment and thus, sooner or later, die out who, in the mutual 
battle, call the smallest share of heroic virtues their own, 
or which are not adequate to the mendacious ruse of the 
hostile parasite. But in this case also this is due not so 
much to a lack of cleverness as to a lack of determination 

and danger arise.' Cf. Der ideak Stoat (The Ideal State), by 
Hanz Hartmann. Another writes: 'A people which seeks above 
all else to safeguard its national existence will endeavor to 
strengthen and increase its power. A weak state is always a 
temptation to neighboring states to expand their possessions at 
its expense. As a consequence there can be no peace in Europe 
until Germany is the equal in power and prestige of the other 
states. Frederick the Great's maxim that peace is best guar- 
anteed in the shadow of bayonets is still true today. A people's 
will to live and its military strength are one and the same.' Cf . 
Deutschland, Deutschland, nichts als Deutschland (Germany, 
Germany, Nothing but Germany), by Walter Wallowitz. 


and courage that tries to conceal itself under the cloak 
of a humanitarian attitude. 

However, how little the qualities forming and preserving 
a State are connected with economy is shown most clearly 
by the fact that the inner strength of a State coincides 
only in the very rarest cases with the so-called economic 
zenith, but that this usually announces in so many examples 
the already approaching decay of the State. If one had to 
ascribe the formation of human communities first of all 
to economic forces or impulses, then the highest economic 
development should at the same time indicate the greatest 
strength of the State, and not vice versa. 

The belief in the force of economy to form or preserve 
States seems especially unintelligible when it is predominant 
in a country which in each and every thing shows clearly 
and impressively the historical reverse. Particularly in 
Prussia it is shown with wonderful acuteness that not 
material qualities but idealistic virtues alone make possible 
the formation of a State. Only under their protection is 
economy able to flourish, but with the collapse of the purely 
State-forming abilities, economy also breaks down again; 
an event that we are able to observe just now in so terribly 
a saddening manner. Man's material interests are able to 
thrive best as long as they remain in the shadow of heroic 
virtues; but as soon as they try to enter the first circle of 
existence, they destroy the conditions of their own ex- 
istence. -*? 

Whenever in Germany an upswing of political power took 
place, economy also began to rise; but thereafter, whenever 
economy was made the sole content of our people's life, thus 
suffocating the ideal virtues, the State collapsed again, 
and after a certain time it pulled economy down with it into 
the grave. 

But if one asks oneself the question what the force* 
forming or otherwise preserving a State are in reality, it 


can be summed up with one single characterization: the 
individual's ability and willingness to sacrifice himself for 
the community. But that these virtues have really nothing 
whatsoever to do with economics is shown by the simple 
realization that man never sacrifices himself for them; that 
means : one does not die for business, but for ideals. Nothing 
proved the Englishman's psychological superiority in 
knowledge of the people's psyche better than the motivation 
with which he cloaked his fight. While we fought for bread, 
England fought for 'liberty,' and not even for her own, no, 
for that of the smaller nations. We laughed at this impu- 
dence or we were annoyed by it, thus only proving how 
thoughtless and stupid Germany's so-called statesmanship 
had become even before the War. Not the slightest idea 
was left concerning the nature of the force that leads men 
to death out of free will and resolution. 

As long as in 1914 the German people was still able to 
fight for ideals, it resisted; but as soon as it was allowed 
to fight only for its daily bread, it preferred to give up 
the game. 

But our wise 'statesmen* were astonished at this change 
of attitude. It never became clear to them, from the mo- 
ment a man fights for an economic interest he tries to avoid 
death, as this would rob him forever of the enjoyment of the 
reward of his fighting. The anxiety for the rescue of her 
own child turns even the most weak mother into a heroine, 
and only the fight for the preservation of the species and 
the hearth or the State that protected them, drove men at 
all times towards the spears of the enemy. 

The following sentence may be established as an eternally 
valid truth: 

Never was a State founded by peaceful economy, but 
always only by the instincts of preserving the species, no 
matter whether they are found in the field of heroic virtues 
or sly cunning; the one results then in Aryan States of 


work and culture, the other in Jewish colonies of parasites. 
But as soon as in a people or in a State, economy as such 
begins to choke these instincts, economy itself becomes the 
enticing cause for subjection and suppression. 

The belief of pre-War times, that by a trade or colonial 
policy the world could be opened or even conquered for the 
German people in a peaceful way, was a classical symptom 
of the loss of the virtues that really form and preserve a 
State and of all insight, will power, and active determina- 
tion resulting from them; the result of this was, by law of 
nature, the World War and its consequences. 

For one who did not make deeper researches, however, 
this attitude of the German nation for it was really 
almost general could only represent an insoluble riddle; 
was not just Germany a really wonderful example of a realm 
that had grown from fundamentals that were purely politi- 
cal from the point of view of power? Prussia, the germ 
cell of the Reich, was created by resplendent heroism and 
not by financial operations or commercial affairs, and the 
Reich itself was in turn only the most glorious reward of 
political leadership and military death-defying courage. 
How could just the German people's political instincts be- 
come so morbid? For the question involved here was not 
that of a single symptom, but instances of decay which 
flared up now in legion like delusive lights brushing up and 
down the national body, or which like poisonous ulcers ate 
into the nation now here, now there. It seemed as though 
a continuous flow of poison was driven into the farthest 
blood vessels of this one-time heroic body by a mysterious 
power, so as to lead to ever more severe paralysis of sound 
reason and of the simple instinct of self-preservation. 

By letting these questions pass through my mind in- 
numerable times, conditioned by my attitude towards the 
German policy of alliance and economy in the years 1912 
to 1914, there remained more and more for the solution of 


the riddle that power that I had become acquainted with 
previously in Vienna, determined from quite different 
points of view: the Marxian doctrine and view of life and 
its ultimate organizatory effects. 

For the second time in my life I dug into this doctrine 
of destruction this time, of course, no longer led by the 
influences and effects of my daily surroundings, but directed 
by the observation of general events of political life. As I 
had recently begun to plunge into the theoretical literature 
of this new world and had tried to make clear to myself its 
possible effects, I compared these with the daily symptoms 
and events of its effect in political, cultural, and economic 

But now for the first time I also turned my attention to 
the attempts at mastering this world plague. 

I studied Bismarck's exemption laws as to their intention, 
struggle, and success. But gradually I gained a truly 
granite foundation for my own conviction, so that from 
that time on I was never forced to make a change in my 
internal attitude towards the matter. Also, the relation- 
ship between Marxism and Judaism was subjected to a 
further thorough examination. 

If formerly in Vienna, Germany had above all else ap- 
peared to me as an unshakable colossus, now, however, 
anxious doubts sometimes began to rise in my mind. With 
myself and in the small circles of my acquaintances, I was 
wrathful at German foreign politics, and also at what 
seemed to me an unbelievably frivolous manner with which 
one faced the most important problem that confronted 
Germany in those days: Marxism. I really could not 
understand how one was able to stagger blindly towards a 
danger the ultimate effects of which, corresponding to its 
own intentions, were one day bound to be monstrous. In 
those days I warned those around me, as I am doing today 
on a larger scale, against the fervent prayer of all cowardly 


wretches: 'Nothing can happen to us!' Was not Germany 
subject to exactly the same laws as all other human 

In the years 1913 and 1914, in various circles, some of 
which today stand faithfully by the movement, I expressed 
for the first time the conviction that the question of the 
future of the German nation is the question of the destruc- 
tion of Marxism. 

In the fatal German policy of alliances I saw only one 
of the after-effects that were caused by the destructive 
working of this doctrine; for the terrible thing was just the 
fact that this poison almost invisibly destroyed all the 
foundations of a sound conception of State and economics, 
frequently preventing those who were attacked by it even 
from guessing how far their activity and intentions already 
were the results of this otherwise most decidedly objection- 
able view of life. 

The internal decline of the German nation had begun 
long before, but, as so frequently in life, without the people 
seeing clearly who the destroyer of their existence was. 
Sometimes one doctored about with the disease, but one 
confused the forms of the symptoms with the cause. As 
one did not know, or did not want to know, this, the fight 
against Marxism had only the value of prattling quackery 


DURING the years of my unruly youth nothing had 
grieved me more than having been born at a time 
when temples of glory were only erected to mer- 
chants or State officials. The waves of historical events 
seemed to have calmed down to such an extent that the 
future appeared really to belong to the 'peaceful compe- 
tition of nations/ that means a quiet mutual cheating, ex- 
cluding forceful measures. The individual States began 
more and more to resemble enterprises which cut the 
ground from under each other, stole each other's customers 
and orders, and tried to cheat each'other by every means, 
setting this in a scene which was as noisy as it was harmless. 
This development, however, not only seemed to endure, but 
it was intended to transform the world (with general ap- 
proval) into one big department store, in the lobbies of 
which the busts of the most cunning profiteers and the most 
harmless administration officials were to be stored for eter- 
nity. The business men were to be supplied by the English, 
the administration officials by the Germans; the Jews, how- 
ever, would have to sacrifice themselves to being propri- 
etors, because, as they themselves admitted, they never 
earn anything but only 'pay/ and, besides, they speak 
most of the languages. 


Why could one not have been born a hundred years 
earlier? For instance, at the time of the Wars of Liberation 
when a man really was worth something, even without 

1 1 was often filled with annoying thoughts because, as it 
appeared, of the belated entrance of my journey into this 
world, and I looked upon this period of 'quiet and order' 
that awaited me as an unmerited mean trick of Fate. Even 
as a boy I was not a 'pacifist,' and all attempts at an educa- 
tion in this direction came to naught. 

The Boer War appeared to me like summer lightning. 

Every day I was on the lookout for the newspapers; I 
devoured dispatches and reports, and I was happy that 
1 was being allowed to witness this heroic struggle, if only 
from afar. 

The Russo-Japanese War already found me much more 
mature and also more attentive. At that time I had taken 
sides more for national reasons, and when settling my 
opinions I had at once taken the side of the Japanese. In 
the defeat of the Russians I saw also a defeat of the Austrian 
Slavic nationalities. 

Many years since had passed, and what then appeared 
to me a foul and lingering illness when I was a boy, I now 
considered as the calm before the storm. Already during 
my Viennese time there hovered over the Balkans that 
fallow sultriness which usually announces a hurricane, but 
at times a brighter light flashed up only to return immedi- 
ately into the uncanny darkness. But then came the Bal- 
kan War, and with it the first gust of wind swept over a 
Europe which had grown nervous. The time that followed, 
however, weighed heavily upon the people like a nightmare, 
brooding like the feverish heat of the tropics, so that in 
consequence of the continued anxiety, the feeling of the 
impending catastrophe finally turned into longing; might 
Heaven at last let Destiny, no longer to be restrained, take 


its full course! The first powerful lightning flashed upon 
the earth; the storm broke out, and the thunder of the 
heavens mingled with the roaring of the batteries of the 
World War. < 

When the news of the murder of Archduke Franz Ferdi- 
nand reached Munich (I was in the house and heard only 
vague details of the event), I was at first worried that the 
bullets might perhaps have come from the pistols of Ger- 
man students, who, because of their indignation at the 
continued Slavization activities of the Heir Presumptive, 
wished to free the German nation from this internal 
enemy. One could imagine well what the consequences 
would have been in that case: a new wave of persecutions 
which would now have been 'justified' and 'motivated' in 
the face of the whole world. When, however, soon after I 
heard the names of the suspected murderers, and read that 
their nationality had been established as Serbian, a slight 
horror began to creep over me because of this revenge of 
inscrutable Destiny. 

The greatest friend of the Slavs had been felled by the 
bullets of Slav fanatics. 

Those who had had an opportunity to observe continu- 
ously the relations between Austria and Serbia during the 
last few years could not doubt for even a moment that the 
stone had been set rolling on a course that could no longer 
be checked. 

One does the Viennese government an injustice when 
today one showers it with reproaches regarding the form and 
the contents of the ultimatum it issued. No other power on 
earth would have been able to act differently in a similar 
situation and under the same circumstances. On the south- 
east bordfer of her realm Austria had an inexorable and 
mortal enemy who challenged the monarchy at shorter 
and shorter intervals, and who would not have given in til! 
finally the favorable moment for the destruction of the 


realm had actually come. One had reason to fear that this 
event would happen not later than with the death of the 
old emperor; but then perhaps the monarchy would no 
longer be in a position to render any serious resistance. 
The entire State, during these last years, was represented 
to such an extent by the person of Franz Joseph that from 
the beginning, the death of this aged personification of the 
realm was looked upon by the great masses as the death of 
the realm itself. It was indeed the most cunning artfulness 
of the Slav policy to create the impression as though the 
Austrian State owed its existence to the really wonderful 
and unique skill of this monarch; a flattery which was the 
more favorably received in the Hofburg as it corresponded 
least of all to the actual merits of the emperor. One was 
not able to discover the sting tkat was hidden in this praise. 
One did not see, or perhaps one did not want to see, that the 
more the monarchy was based on the superior ruling skill 
of, as one used to say, this 'wisest of all monarchs' of all 
times, the more desperate was the situation bound to be- 
come when some day here too Destiny would knock at the 
door to collect its tribute. 

Would then the old Austria be conceivable without the 
old emperor? 

Would not the tragedy, which once had met Maria 
Theresa, immediately repeat itself? 

No, one really does an injustice to Viennese government 
circles if they are reproached with the fact that now they 
were driving towards a war which perhaps would have been 
avoidable after all. It was no longer avoidable, but it could 
have been postponed for only one or two more years at the 
most. But this was the very curse of the German as well as 
of the Austrian diplomacy that it had always tried to post- 
pone the unavoidable settlement till at last it was forced to 
strike at an unfavorable hour. One can be certain that a 
renewed attempt at preserving the peace would have 


brought on the war in spite of this at an even less favorable 

No, those who did not want this war would have had to 
summon the courage to assume the consequences. These, 
however, could have only consisted in the sacrificing of 
Austria. But even then the war would have come, though 
perhaps not in the form of a fight against all, but in the 
form of a dismemberment of the Habsburg monarchy. 
But there one would have had to decide whether one 
wanted to join or whether one wanted to watch, with 
empty hands, Fate take its course. 

It is just those who today curse most and pronounce the 
wisest opinions about the beginning of the war, who helped 
most catastrophically to steer towards war. 

For decades Social Democracy had carried on the most 

The question of responsibility for the War is still a moot one, 
but Hitler is not discussing it here in the sense in which it is 
usually propounded. He is taking his stand on the platform of 
Ludendorff, Graefe, Class and other Pan-Germans for whom 
the issue was never whether a war was coming or whether it 
could be avoided, but whether Germany would choose the 
right moment to strike and whether it would possess the 
requisite military strength. This group was bitterly antagon- 
istic to Bethmann-Hollweg for having desired to keep the peace 
and for having refused to endorse certain items proposed for 
inclusion in the military budget of 1913. That the 'people* 
were with them they have never doubted, and still do not 
doubt. The whole blame falls, they maintain, on Bethmann- 
Hollweg. Accordingly one readies this interesting conclusion: 
it seems impossible to hold the German government of 1914 
solely responsible for the declaration of war, but the head of the 
German government of 1938 has gone on record in this book as 
wishing that his predecessor had assumed that responsibility. 

Hitler has promised to guarantee that the next time there 
be no such blunders. On November 28, 1934, Mr. Winston 


villainous war propaganda against Russia, but the Center 
Party, for religious reasons, had made the Austrian State 
most of all the center and turning-point of German poli- 
tics. Now one had to bear the consequences of this mad- 
ness. What now came had to come, and it was unavoidable 
under any circumstances. The German government's 
fault therein was that, in order to preserve peace, it again 
and again missed the favorable hour for striking; that it 
got entangled in the alliance for the preservation of world 
peace, thus finally falling victim to a world coalition which 
opposed the very preservation of peace with the determi- 
nation of a world war. 

If at that time the Viennese government had given the 
ultimatum another, milder wording, this would not have 
changed anything in the situation except perhaps the fact 
that the government itself would have been swept away by 
the indignation of the people. Because, in the eyes of the 
great masses, the tone of the ultimatum was much too con- 

Churchill addressed the House of Commons on the subject of 
Germany's program of rearmament. Referring to the air 
force, he said: 'On the same basis, that is to say, both sides con- 
tinuing with their existing program as at present arranged, by 
the end of 1936 that is, one year farther on, and two years 
from now the German military air force will be nearly 
50 per cent stronger, and in 1937 nearly double. ... So much 
for the comparison of what may be called the first line air forces 
of the two countries/ Replying on behalf of the government, 
Stanley Baldwin said: 'I say there is no ground at this moment 
for undue alarm and much less for panic. There is no imme- 
diate danger confronting us or anyone else in Europe at this 
moment. But we must look ahead, and there is ground for grave 
anxiety, and that is why we have been watching the situation 
for months past, are watching it now, and shall continue to 
watch it.' 


siderate and in no way too brutal or even too far-reaching. 
Those who today try to deny this are either forgetful empty- 
heads or quite deliberately cheats and liars. 

The fight of the year 1914 was certainly not forced upon 
the masses, good God! but desired by the entire people 

One wanted at last to make an end to the general uncer- 
tainty. Only thus is it understandable that for this most 
serious of all struggles more than two million German men 
and boys joined the flag voluntarily, ready to protect it with 
their last drop of blood. 

To me personally those hours appeared like the redemp- 
tion from the annoying moods of my youth. Therefore I 
am not ashamed today to say that, overwhelmed by impas- 
sionate enthusiasm, I had fallen on my knees and thanked 
Heaven out of my overflowing heart that it had granted 
me the good fortune of being allowed to live in these times. 

A struggle for freedom had broken out, greater than the 
world had ever seen before; because, once Fate had begun 
its course, the conviction began to dawn on the great masses 
that this time the question involved was not Serbia's or 
Austria's fate, but the existence or non-existence of the 
German nation. 

For the last time in many years, the German nation had 
become clairvoyant about its own future. Thus, at the very 
beginning of the enormous struggle the intoxication of the 
exuberant enthusiasm was mixed with the necessary serious 
undertone; for this realization alone made the national ris- 
ing become something greater than a mere bonfire. But 
this was only too necessary; even then one had no idea 
of the possible length and duration of the struggle now 
beginning. One dreamt of being home again in winter to 
continue work in renewed peace. 


What man desires, he hopes and believes. The over- 
whelming majority of the nation had long been tired of the 
eternally uncertain state of things; thus one could only too 
readily understand that one no longer believed in a peaceful 
adjustment of the Austro-Serbian conflict, but hoped for 
the final settlement. I, too, belonged to these millions. 

Hardly had the news of the assassination spread in 
Munich, when two ideas immediately entered my head: 
first, that war would now at last be unavoidable, and 
further, that the Habsburg State would be forced to keep 
the alliance; for what I had always feared most was the 
possibility that one day Germany herself, perhaps just in 
consequence of this alliance, would be entangled in a con- 
flict without Austria being the direct cause for this, but 
that in such a case the Austrian State, for domestic political 
reasons, would not summon the energy to decide to stand 
by its ally. The Slav majority would certainly immediately 
have begun to sabotage such an intention by the State 
itself, and would certainly have preferred to smash the 
entire State into bits rather than to give the required help 
to the ally. This danger, however, was now averted. The 
old State had to fight whether it wanted to or not. 

My own attitude towards the conflict was very clear and 
simple to me : in my eyes it was not Austria fighting for some 
Serbian satisfaction, but Germany fighting for her exist- 
ence, the German nation for its being or non-being, for 
freedom and future. Bismarck's work now had to fight; 
what the fathers once had gained by fighting with their 
heroic blood in the battles from Weissenburg to Sedan and 
Paris, now young Germany had to earn again. If this fight 
would be carried through victoriously, then our nation 
would also have returned to the circle of ,'the nations which arc 
great in external power, and only then could the German 
Reich prove a powerful shield of peace without being forced 
to reduce its children's daily bread for the sake of this peace. 


As a boy and a young man I had often formed the wish 
that at least once I might be allowed to prove by deeds 
that my national enthusiasm was not an empty delusion. 
Often I considered it a sin to shout 'hurrah' without per- 
haps having the inner right to do so; for who may use this 
cry without having proved himself there where all play is 
at an end and where the inexorable hand of the Goddess of 
Fate begins to weigh nations and men according to the 
truth and the durability of their convictions? Thus my 
heart, like that of a million others, was overflowing with 
proud happiness that at last I was able to free myself from 
this paralyzing feeling. So many times had I sung 'Deutsch- 
land uber dies' and shouted with full voice 'Heil,' that I 
considered it almost a belated favor that I was now allowed 
to appear as a witness before the tribunal of the Eternal 
Judge in order to proclaim the truth and the sincerity of my 
convictions. From the first hour I was certain that in the 
event of war (which appeared unavoidable to me), I would 
abandon my books in one way or the other. But I knew 
just the same that my place would be there where my inner 
voice directed me to go. 

I had left Austria primarily for political reasons: but 
what was more natural that now that the fight had begun 
that I had to act according to this conviction? I did not 
want to fight for the Habsburg State, but I was ready to die 
^t any time for my people and the Reich it constituted. 

On August 3 I submitted a direct petition to His Majesty 
King Ludwig III with the request that I be permitted to 
serve in a Bavarian regiment. The cabinet office was cer- 
tainly more than busy in those days; my joy was the greater 
when on the following day I received the reply to my re- 
quest. My joy and my gratitude knew no end when I had 
opened the letter with trembling hands and read that 
my request had been granted and that I was summoned 
to report to a Bavarian regiment. A few days later I wore 


the uniform which I waa not to take off again for six 

Thus, as probably for every German, there began for me 
the most unforgettable and the greatest period of my mortal 
life. In the face of the events of this mighty struggle the 
entire past fell back into shallow oblivion. It is now ten 
years since this mighty event happened, and with proud 
sadness I think back to those weeks of the beginning of the 
heroic fight of our people which Fate had graciously per- 
mitted me to share. 

f As if it were yesterday, one picture after the other passes 
before my eyes: I see myself donning the uniform in the 
circle of my dear comrades, turning out for the first time, 
drilling, etc., till finally the day came when we marched. 

There was only one thing that worried me at that time, 
like so many others also: that was whether we would not 
arrive at the front too late. This alone disturbed my peace 
again and again. Thus in every jubilation over a new 
heroic deed there seemed to be a hidden drop of bitterness 
as with every new victory the danger of our being delayed 
seemed to increase. 

Finally, the day came when we left Munich in order to 
start fulfilling our duty. Now for the first time I saw the 
Rhine as we were riding towards the west along its quiet 
waters, the German river of all rivers, in order to protect it 
against the greed of the old enemy. When through the deli- 
cate veil of the dawn's mist the mild rays of the early sun 
set the Niederwalddenkmal shimmering before our eyes, 
the 'Watch on the Rhine' roared up to the morning sky 
from the interminably long transport train and I had a 
feeling as though my chest would burst. 

Then at last came a damp, cold night in Flanders through 
which we marched silently, and when the day began to 
emerge from the fog, suddenly an iron salute came whizzing 
over our heads towards us and with a sharp report the 


small bullets struck between our rows, whipping up the 
wet earth; but before the small cloud had dispersed, out of 
two hundred throats the first hurrah roared a welcome to 
the first messenger of death. But then it began to crackle 
and roar, to sing and howl, and with feverish eyes each one 
of us was drawn forward faster and faster over turnip fields 
and hedges till suddenly the fight began, the fight of man 
against man. But from the distance the sounds of a song 
met our ears, coming nearer and nearer, passing from com- 
pany to company, and then, while Death busily plunged his 
hand into our rows, the song reached also us, and now we 
passed it on : ' De utschland, DeutscUand uber alles, Uber dttes 

After four days we came back. Even our step had be- 
come different. Boys of seventeen now resembled men. 

The volunteers of the regiment had perhaps not yet 
learned to fight properly, but they knew how to die like old 

This was the beginning. <* 

Thus it continued year after year; but the romance of 

Hitler here set the example for what would later prove to be 
a deluge of war tales. Concerning his military record, the fol- 
lowing facts are known ; that he served as a messenger between 
regimental headquarters and the front; that he was a good 
soldier who refused to the very end to join in criticism of the 
way things were being run; that his temperament made his 
commanding officer doubt the wisdom of promoting him to 
any sort of non-commissioned rank above that of corporal, and 
that he occupies a modest but honorable place in the history of 
the Regiment List, to which he belonged. The particular ex- 
ploit for which he received the Iron Cross is shrouded in secrecy, 
but most biographers agree that there was no reason why it 
should not have been awarded. Hitler, by Rudolf Olden, at- 
tempts a critical evaluation of the legend that had grown up 
round Hitler's war experience. 


the battles had turned into horror. The enthusiasm gradu- 
ally cooled down and the exuberant joy was suffocated by 
the fear of death. The time came when everyone had to 
fight between the instinct of self-preservation and the ad- 
monition of duty. I, too, was not spared this inner struggle. 
Whenever death was on the hunt, an undefinable something 
tried to revolt, tried to present itself to the weak body in 
the form of reason and was really nothing but cowardice 
which in this disguise tried to ensnare the individual. A 
strong pulling and warning set in and only the last remain- 
ing spark of conscience made the decision. But the more 
this voice tried to warn me to take heed, the louder and the 
more urgently it lured, the sharper was my resistance, till 
finally after a long inner struggle my sense of duty tri- 
umphed. This struggle had already been decided for me 
during the winter of 1915-16. My will had finally become 
master. Whereas during the first days I was able to join 
exuberantly and laughingly in the storm, now I was quiet 
and determined. This was the most enduring. Only now 
could Fate set out for the last tests without tearing my 
nerves or my reason giving out. 

The young volunteer had become an old soldier. 

But this change had taken place in the entire army. It 
had become old and hard through perpetual fighting, and 
those who were not able to resist the storm were broken by it. 

But only now could one judge this army. Now, after 
two or three years during which it had been thrown from 
one battle into the other, constantly fighting against a force 
superior in number and weapons, suffering hunger and en- 
during deprivations, now was the time to prove the quality 
of this unique army. 

Thousands of years may pass, but never will one be 
allowed to talk about or mention heroism without remem- 
bering the German army of the World War. Then, out of 
the veil of the past, the iron front of the gray steel helmet 


will become visible, not wavering and not retreating, a mon- 
ument to immortality. As long as Germans live they will 
remember that these were the sons of their nation, 
f At that time I was a soldier and did not want to discuss 
politics. It really was not the time for it. I am still con- 
vinced today that even the most humble carter had done 
his fatherland more valuable services than the first, let us 
say, 'parliamentarian.' I never hated these prattlers more 
than just at that time, when every regular fellow who had 
to say something shouted it into the enemy's face, or, more 
appropriately, left his mouth at home and silently did his 
duty in some place. Yes, in those days I hated all these 
'politicians, 1 and if I had had anything to say, a parlia- 
mentarian spade battalion would have been formed at 
once; then they would have been able to babble among 
themselves to their hearts 1 content if they had to, and they 
would not have been able to annoy or even to harm the 
decent and honest part of mankind. ^ 

At that time, therefore, I did not want to hear anything 
about politics, but I could not help defining my attitude 
towards certain manifestations which concerned, after all, 
the entire nation, but most of all us soldiers, 
f There were two things which in those days annoyed me 
and which I considered detrimental. 

Soon after the news of the first victories, a certain press 

Not a few of the Reichstag delegates served at the front; 
some were killed in action. Most of the others were beyond 
military age, and some of these served on difficult and danger- 
ous missions. More interesting is the unrestrained endorse- 
ment of LudendorfFa military totalitarianism the absolute 
disavowal of political action in time of war. The wicked ones 
are those who believed that peace might be reached, after years 
of destructive warfare, on a basis of compromise and who felt 
that Germany, by giving guarantees not to violate the integrity 
of Belgium, might divide her foes. 


began slowly, and at first perhaps unrecognizably to many, 
to pour drops of wormwood into the general enthusiasm. 
This was done under the mask of a certain benevolence 
and well-meaning, even of a certain anxiety. One harbored 
doubts about too great an exuberance in celebrating the 
victories. One feared that in this form it was unworthy and 
did not correspond to the dignity of such a great nation. 
The bravery and the heroic courage of the German soldier 
were really a matter of course, and one should not be carried 
away too much by thoughtless outbursts of joy, especially 
for the sake of public opinion abroad which would certainly 
be more impressed by a quiet and dignified form of joy than 
by excessive exultation, etc. Finally we Germans were not 
to forget even now that the war had not been our intention, 
and that therefore we should not be ashamed to admit, 
openly and like men, that we were ready to contribute, at 
any time, our share towards the reconciliation of mankind. 
Therefore it would not be wise to blacken the purity of the 
army's deeds with too much shouting, as the rest of the 
world would show but little understanding for such behav- 
ior. One admired nothing more than the modesty with 
which a genuine hero quietly and silently forgets his 
deeds; for this was supposed to be the essence of the whole 

But now, instead of taking such a fellow by his long ears 
and leading him to, and pulling him up on, a high pole with 
a rope, so that the celebrating nation would no longer be 
able to insult the aesthetic feeling of this knight of the ink, 
one actually began to protest this 'unseemly' manner of 
jubilating over victories. 

One had not the faintest idea, however, that this enthu- 
siasm, once it has been broken, cannot be reawakened at 
will. It is an intoxication and it is best to keep it in this 
condition. But how was one to endure in a fight without 
this power, a fight which in all human probability made the 


most enormous demands on the spiritual qualities of the 

I knew the psyche of the great masses only too well not 
to know that one would not be able to stoke the fire neces- 
sary to keep this iron hot with 'aesthetic 9 elation. In my 
eyes one was mad because nothing was done to increase this 
boiling heat of passion; but I simply could not understand 
that one even curtailed that which fortunately was present. 

The second thing that annoyed me was the way and the 
manner in which one thought fit to face Marxism. In my 
eyes, this only proved that one really had not the slightest 
idea of this pestilence. One seemed to believe, in all seri- 
ousness, that by the assurance that one no longer knew 
parties, one thought one had brought Marxism to reason 
and restraint. 

That here one has to deal not with a party but with a 
doctrine which must of necessity lead to the destruction of 
entire mankind, this one understood the less as one did not 
hear it in the Jew-infested universities, and as otherwise 
only too many of our higher officials, particularly, out of 
idiotic conceit, inculcated in them by education, did not 
think it worth the trouble to pick up a book and to learn 
something which did not belong in the curriculum of their 
high school. The most important changes pass by these 
'heads' without leaving a trace, and therefore the State 
institutions nearly always lag behind the private ones. God 
knows that to them, most of all, the popular proverb ap- 
plies: 'Was der Bauer nicht kennt, das frisst er nicht 9 [a 
peasant does not eat what he does not know]. 

It was an unequaled absurdity to identify the German 
worker with Marxism in the days of August, 1914. In 
those hours the German worker had disentangled himself 
from the embrace of this poisonous plague, as otherwise he 
would never have been able to start this fight. But one was 
stupid enough to think that Marxism had now perhaps 


become ' national ' ; a flash of genius which only shows that 
during these long years none of these official State leaders 
had thought it worth the trouble to study the nature of this 
doctrine, for otherwise such insanity would hardly have 

Marxism, the ultimate aim of which was and will always 
be the destruction of all non-Jewish national States, to its 
dismay saw during July, 1914, the German working class, 
which it had ensnared, awake to enlist in the service of the 
country more and more quickly from hour to hour. In a 
few days the whole show of this infamous deception of the 
nation had frittered away, and the Jewish rabble leaders 
stood there lonely and abandoned, as though not a trace 
of the idiocy and lunacy which it had infiltered into the 
masses for sixty years remained. It was a bad moment for 
the deceivers of the German nation 's working class. But 
immediately the leaders recognized the danger which 
threatened them, they at once pulled the magic cap of lies 
over their ears and impudently joined in aping the national 

But now the time should have arrived for proceeding 
against the entire fraudulent company of these Jewish 
poisonmongers of the nation. Now one should have dealt 
summarily with them without the slightest consideration 
for the clamor that would probably arise, or, what would 
have been still better, without pity for all their lamenta- 
tions. In August of the year 1914, the Jewish haggling of 
international solidarity had disappeared at one stroke from 
the heads of the German working class, and instead, after a 
few weeks, American shrapnel began to pour down the 
blessings of fraternity on the helmets of the marching col- 
umns. It was the duty of a prudent government, now that 
the German laborer had found his way back to his nation- 
ality, to root out without pity the instigators against this 


If the best were killed on the front, then one could at 
least destroy the vermin at home. 

But instead of this, His Majesty the Kaiser in person 
extended his hand towards the old criminals, thus showing 
the cunning murderers of the nation forbearance and 
giving them the chance to set their minds at ease, 
f Now the serpent had a chance to continue its work, more 
carefully than before but also more dangerously. While the 
honest ones were dreaming of peace within the castle walls, 
the perjured criminals organized the revolution. 

It made me discontented in my mind that at that time 
one had decided on such terrible half measures; but that 
its end would be such a terrible one even I would not have 
thought possible. 

But what was to be done now? To put the leaders of the 
whole movement behind lock and bar, to put them on trial 
and deliver the nation of them. To apply ruthlessly the 
entire military means in order to root out this pestilence. 
The parties had to be dissolved, the Reichstag, if necessary, 
to be brought to reason at the point of the bayonet, but, 
better still, to adjourn it immediately. Just as today the 
Republic is allowed to dissolve parties, one would have had 
more reason to apply similar means in those days. The ex- 
istence or non-existence of an entire nation was at stake ! 

But then, of course, a question arose: Can spiritual ideas 
be extinguished by the sword? Can one fight 'views of life 1 
by applying brute force? 

Even then I asked myself this question more than once. 

When thinking over analogous cases to be found in his- 
tory, particularly on a religious basis, the following funda- 
mental realization is the result: 

Conceptions and ideas, as well as movements with a cer- 
tain spiritual foundation, may these be right or wrong, can 
be broken at a certain point of their development with 
technical means of power only if these physical weapons are 


at the same time the supporters of a new kindling thought, 
an idea or view of life. 

Use of force alone, without the driving forces of a spir- 
itual basic idea as presupposition, can never lead to the 
destruction of an idea and its spreading, except in the form 
of a thorough eradication of even the last representative 
and the destruction of the last tradition. This, however, 
means the disappearance of such a State body for endless 
times, sometimes forever, from the circle of political and 
powerful importance, as such a sacrifice in blood, as shown 
by experience, often hits the best part of a nationality, be- 
cause every persecution that takes place without being 
based on a spiritual presupposition does not seem justified 
from the moral point of view, thus instigating just the more 
valuable parts of a nation to voice a protest which then 
expresses itself in the acquisition of the spiritual contents 
of the unjustly persecuted movement. This happens with 
many merely out of the feeling of opposition against the 
attempt at throttling an idea by brute force. 

With this, however, the number of the internal adher- 
ents grows in the measure in which the persecution grows. 
Therefore, the complete extinction of a new doctrine can be 
carried out only by way of an eradication which is thorough 
and so constantly increasing that by this all the really val- 
uable blood is withdrawn from the nation or the State 
involved. But this will take its revenge, because there now 
can take place a so-called 'inner' purification, this, however, 
at the expense of a general weakness. But from the very 
beginning such procedure will be in vain if the doctrine tc 
be fought has already stepped outside of a certain small 

As with all growth, here, too, the early period of child- 
hood offers the best possibility for such extinction, for with 
the growing years the force of resistance increases, till 
finally with approaching age it again gives way to the 


weakness of youth, though in a different form and for other 

It is a fact that all attempts at the extinction of a doc- 
trine and its organizatory effects by force without a spir- 
itual foundation lead to failures and frequently even end 
contrary to that desired, for the following reason: 

The very first condition for such a manner of fight with 
the weapons of pure force is, and will always be, persever- 
ance. That means that only the continued and regular use 
of the methods applied for suppressing a doctrine permits 
of the possibility of success. But as soon as intermittent 
force alternates with indulgence, the doctrine to be sup- 
pressed will not only recover again and again, but it will be 
able to draw new values from every persecution, for after 
the ebbing of such a wave of pressure, the indignation at 
the misery suffered leads new followers to the old doctrine, 
but those who are already present will with sharper spite 
and deeper hatred than before adhere to it, and even those 
who have fallen off will try to return to their old attitude 
after the danger has been averted. Only in the eternally 
regular use of force lies the preliminary condition for 
success. This perseverance is only and always the result of 
a certain spiritual conviction alone. All force which does 
not spring from a firm spiritual foundation will be hesitat- 
ing and uncertain. It lacks the stability which can only 
rest in a fanatical view of life. It is the outcome of the 
energy of the moment and the brutal determination of a 
single individual, but therefore it is subjected to the change 
of the personality and its nature and strength. 

But to this something else must be added : -<* 

Every view of life, be it more of a political or of a religious 
nature (sometimes the borderline between them can be as- 
certained only with difficulty), fights less for the negative 
destruction of the adversary's world of ideas, and more for 
the positive carrying-out of its own doctrine. Therefore, its 


fight is less a defense than an attack. Even as regards the 
definiteness of its goal, it has an advantage, as this goal 
represents the victory of its own idea, while the other way 
round it is difficult to decide when the negative aim of the 
destruction of the enemy's doctrine may be considered as 
completed and assured. For this reason alone the attack 
on a view of life will be more carefully planned and also 
more powerful than the defense of such a doctrine; as here, 
too, the decision is due to the attack and not to the defense. 
But the fight against a spiritual power by means of force is 
only a defense as long as the sword itself does not appear 
as the supporter, propagator, and announcer of a new spir- 
itual doctrine. 

Thus, summing up, one can say the following: 

Every attempt at fighting a view of life by means of force 
will finally fail, unless the fight against it represents the 
form of an attack for the sake of a new spiritual direction. 
Only in the struggle of two views of life with each other can 
the weapon of brute force, used continuously and ruth- 
lessly, bring about the decision in favor of the side it sup- 

It was on this account that the fight against Marxism had 
failed so far. 

This was also the reason why Bismarck's anti-socialist 
laws finally failed and were bound to fail, despite all efforts. 
The platform of a new view of life was lacking for the rise 
of which the fight could have been fought. Only the pro- 
verbial wisdom of ministerial high officials could produce 
the opinion that the trash about the so-called 'State author- 
ity* and 'peace and order' could be a suitable basis for the 
spiritual impetus of a struggle for life and death. 
fBut because a really spiritual foundation of this fight 
was lacking, Bismarck was forced to hand the carrying-out 
of his anti-socialist laws to the judgment and the volition 
of those institutions which themselves were already the 


product of the Marxian way of thinking. Thus the Iron 
Chancellor, by handing over the responsibility for his fight 
against Marxism to the benevolence of the bourgeois 
democracy, set the wolf to mind the sheep. 

But all this was only the necessary result of the lack of a 
fundamentally new view of life opposed to Marxism, with 
an impetuous will to conquer. 

Thus the result of Bismarck's fight was only a severe dis- 

But were circumstances different during or at the begin- 
ning of the World War? Unfortunately not. 

The more I occupied myself in those days with the idea 
of a necessary change in the attitude of State governments 
towards Social Democracy as the present personification of 
Marxism, the more I recognized the lack of a suitable sub- 
stitute for this doctrine. What, then, did one want to give 
to the masses, if one were to suppose that Social Democracy 
would be broken? There was not one movement of which 
one could have assumed that it would have succeeded in 
drawing under its spell the more or less leaderless great 
masses of workers. It is absurd and more than stupid to 
assume that the international fanatic who has left the class 
party would now immediately join a bourgeois party; that 
means a new class organization. No matter how disagree- 
able this may be for several organizations, it cannot be 
denied that to the bourgeois politician the separation of 
classes appears absolutely natural as long as the political 
effects are not unfavorable to him. 

The denial of these facts proves not only the impudence 
but also the stupidity of the liars, i 

On the whole, one should guard against believing the 
great masses to be more stupid than they actually are. In 
political matters feeling often decides more accurately than 
reason. The opinion, however, that the masses 9 stupid 
international attitude is sufficient proof of the incorrectness 


of their feeling can be refuted thoroughly at once by the 
simple argument that the pacifistic democracy is not less 
insane, but that its supporters come almost exclusively 
from the bourgeois camp. As long as millions of citizens 
ardently worship the Jewish democratic press every morn- 
ing, it would not do for the masters to make jokes about the 
stupidity of the 'comrade' who, after all, devours only the 
same rubbish though in a different makeup. In both cases 
the manufacturer is one and the same Jew. 

Therefore, one should guard well against refuting things 
which actually exist. The fact that the class question is not 
at all one of spiritual problems as one would like to make us 
believe, especially before elections, cannot be denied. The 
class pride of a great part of our people, just like the low 
esteem of the hand laborer, is, above all, a symptom which 
does not come from the imagination of one who is moon- 

But apart from this, it shows the inferior thinking ability 
of our so-called intelligentsia when just in those circles one 
does not understand that a condition which was not able to 
prevent the rise of a pestilence, such as Marxism, will far 
less be able to regain that which is lost. 

The ' bourgeois ' parties, as they call themselves, will never 
be able to draw the 4 proletarian ' masses into their camp, as 
here two worlds face each other, separated partly naturally, 
partly artificially, and their attitude towards each other 
can only be a fighting one. But here the younger one will 
succeed and this would be Marxism. ^ 

In fact, a fight against Social Democracy in 1914 was 
conceivable, but it was doubtful how long this condition 
could have lasted because of the lack of every practical sub- 

There was a great gap. 

I was of this opinion long before the War, and therefore 
I could not make up my mind to join one of the existing 


parties. This opinion was enhanced in the course of the 
events of the World War by the obvious impossibility of 
fighting ruthlessly against Social Democracy because of the 
absence of a movement which had to be more than a ' par- 
liamentarian' party. 

I talked openly about this to my more intimate friends. 

What is more, I now had for the first time the idea of 
occupying myself politically later on. 

And this was the particular reason that made me assure 
my small circle of friends that after the War I would be 
active as an orator along with my profession. 

I think that I meant this very seriously. 


AT THE time of my attentive following of all political 
events, the activities of propaganda had always 
been of extremely great interest to me. In it I saw 
an instrument which just the Socialist-Marxist organiza- 
tions mastered and knew how to apply with expert skill. I 
learned very soon that the right use of propaganda repre- 
sents an art which was and remained almost entirely un- 
known to the bourgeois parties. Only the Christian-Social- 
ist movement, especially during Lueger's time, acquired a 
certain virtuosity with this instrument and it owed much of 
its success to it. 

But it was shown only during the War to what enor- 
mously important results a suitably applied propaganda 
may lead. Unfortunately, everything has to be studied on 
the other side; for the activity on our side was more than 
modest in this respect. However, the very failure of the en- 
tire enlightenment on the side of the Germans a fact 
which was bound to stare in the face of every soldier now 
caused me to occupy myself still more thoroughly with 
this question. 

There was often more than enough time for thinking, 
but it was unfortunately the enemy who gave us only too 
good an object lesson. 


For what we failed to do in this direction was made up 
by the enemy with really unheard-of skill and ingenious 
deliberation. I learned infinitely much more from the 
enemy's war propaganda. But time marched on without 
leaving an impression on the brains of those who most of 
all should have taken this as a lesson; partly because they 
deemed themselves too clever to take lessons from others, 
and partly because the honest will to do so was lacking. 

Was there any propaganda at all on our side? 

To my regret, I can only answer no. Everything that 
was actually undertaken in this direction was so incomplete 
and wrong from the very first moment that it not only did 
not help, tnit sometimes did considerable harm. 

Insufficient in form its nature was psychologically wrong : 
this was necessarily the result of a careful examination of 
the German war propaganda. 

It seemed that one was not quite clear about the first 
question, namely: Is war propaganda a means or an end? 

It is a means, and therefore it has to be judged from the 
point of view of the end. But its form has to be properly 
adapted to the aim which it serves. But it is also clear that 
the importance of its aim can be a different one according 
to the point of view of the general demand and that there- 
fore propaganda is also defined differently according to its 
inner value. But the aim for which the War was fought 
was the most sublime and the most overpowering which 
man is able to imagine: it was the freedom and independence 
of our nation, the assurance of subsistence for the future, 
and the honor of the nation; something that, despite all 
opinions to the contrary, is still present today or rather 
ought to be present, as nations without honor usually lose 
their freedom and independence, which, in turn, cor- 
responds only to a higher justice, as generations of scoun- 
drels without honor do not deserve freedom. But he who 
wants to be a cowardly slave must not and cannot have 


any honor, as thus honor would become subject to general 
disdain within the shortest time. 

It was for the struggle for its human existence that the 
German people fought, and to support this si 
purpose of the war propaganda; the aim 
it to victory. 

But if nations fight for their existenc 
that means if they are approached by 
of ' to be or not to be ' all reflections 

ity or aesthetics resolve themselves to n^ 

eluded; because all these ideas are not flodKnc^atout in they^v 
world ether, but come from the imaginat* 
are connected with him. His departure from 
dissolves these ideas into insubstantial non-< 
Nature does not know them. But in mankind, too, they are 
characteristics of only a few people or rather races accord- 
ing to the measure in which they originate from their feel- 
ings. Humanity and aesthetics would even disappear from 
a world inhabited by men as soon as it lost the races which 
are the creators and bearers of these ideas. 

Where a people's fight for existence in this world is con- 
cerned, all these ideas are of subordinate importance; they 
even have no bearing on the form of this struggle at all as 
soon as they might bring on a paralysis of the struggling 
nation's force of self-preservation. But in this case this is 
always the only visible result. 

As regards the question of humanity, Moltke once ex- 
pressed himself to the effect that in case of war humanity 
always resides in the brevity of the procedure, so that the 
sharpest kind of fight is most suitable for it. 

However, if one were now to try to bring up the drivel 
of aesthetics, etc., where these considerations are concerned, 
there can be really only one answer to it: questions of des- 
tiny, as important as a people's struggle for existence, elim- 
inate all obligation towards beauty. The least beauti- 


ful that can exist in human life is and remains the yoke of 
slavery. Or does this Schwdbing decadence perhaps per- 
ceive tne present-day fate of the German nation as 'aes- 
thetic 1 ? There is certainly no need to discuss this with the 
Jews, the modern inventors of this culture perfume. Their 
entire existence is a protest incarnate against the aesthetics 
of the Lord's image. 

But once these^, points of view of humanity and beauty 
are beside the point where the struggle is concerned, they 
cannot be applied as a means to measure propaganda. 

During the War propaganda was a means to an end, but 
this in turn was the German people's fight for existence; 
thus propaganda could therefore be looked upon only from 
the principles proper to it. Then the most cruel weapons 
were humane if they conditioned the quicker victory, and 
beautiful were only those methods which helped the nation 
to secure the dignity of its freedom. 

This was the only possible attitude towards the question 
of war propaganda in such a fight for life or death. 

Had the so-called responsible authorities made this clear 
to themselves, the uncertainty about the form and the ap- 
plication of this weapon would never have originated; for 
this is also only a weapon, though a frightful one, in the 
hand of the expert. 

fThe second question of actually decisive importance was 
the following: To whom has propaganda to appeal? To 
the scientific intelligentsia or to the less educated masses? 

It has to appeal forever and only to the masses! 
: Propaganda is not for the intelligentsia or for those who 
unfortunately call themselves by that name today, but 
scientific teaching. But propaganda is in its contents as 
far from being science as perhaps a poster is art in its pre- 
sentation as such. A poster's art lies in the designer's 
ability to catch the masses' attention by outline and color. 
The poster for an art exhibition has to point only to the art 


of the exhibition; the more it succeeds in this, the greater 
therefore is the art of the poster itself. Further, the poster 
is to give to the masses an idea of the importance of the ex- 
hibition, but it is in no way to be a substitute for the art 
represented by the exhibition. Therefore, he who wants to 
occupy himself with art itself has really to study more than 
the poster; yes, for him it is by far not sufficient merely to 
'walk through' the exhibition. It may be expected of him 
that he bury himself in the individual works by thoroughly 
looking them over so that then he may gradually form a just 
opinion for himself. 

The situation is a similar one with what today we call 

The task of propaganda lies not in a scientific training of 
the individual, but rather in directing the masses towards 
certain facts, events, necessities, etc., the purpose being to 
move their importance into the masses' field of vision. 

The art now is exclusively to attack this so skillfully that 
a general conviction of the reality of a fact, of the necessity 

Hitler says he awakened during the War to the importance 
of propaganda, discovered that German methods were too 
high-brow and too little adapted to drum up popular emotion, 
and learned that the first rule of the propagandist must be to 
find out what will affect the masses. In view of the fact that 
propaganda became a fundamental concern of the Nazi r6gime, 
some attention to Hitler's contributions to this science is called 
for. There is a convenient analysis in Propaganda Analysis, 
Vol. I (New York, 1938). This essay, prepared by experts, 
reveals very clearly how the various weapons of the militant 
propagandist e.g., calling names have been employed. It 
relegates to a position of minor importance, an aspect of the 
matter on which Hitler lays great stress that the propa- 
gandist who is trying to wage war must eliminate the 'esthetic' 
and concentrate on stirring up hatred. Therefore this may be 
emphasized here. Many are convinced (and base this convic- 


of an event, that something; that is necessary is also right, 
etc., is created. But as it is not and cannot be science in it- 
self, as its task consists of catching the masses 9 attention, 
just like that of the poster, and not in teaching one who is 
already scientifically experienced or is striving towards 
education and knowledge, its effect has always to be directed 
more and more towards the feeling, and only to a certain 
extent to so-called reason.** 

All propaganda has to be popular and has to adapt its 
spiritual level to the perception of the least intelligent of 
those towards whom it intends to direct itself. Therefore its 
spiritual level has to be screwed the lower, the greater the 
mass of people which one wants to attract. But if the prob- 
lem involved, like the propaganda for carrying on a war, is 
to include an entire people in its field of action, the caution 

tion on long personal experience) that the most effective in- 
strument in the Nazi propagandist's hands has been the 
spectacle of cruelty. When masses of men have been repressed 
for a long time by adverse social, political and economic con- 
ditions, they seem to accept the open expression above all 
the open demonstration of hatred with deep satisfaction. 
Almost every war is followed by strange manias of persecution 
which affect the civilian population more than they do the 
returning soldier, unless that soldier deems himself a victim 
of ingratitude. Thus after 1918 the United States witnessed the 
spread of the Ku Klux Klan, a crusade against the 'Reds/ 
and several anti-negro riots in major cities. In France hostility 
to American and other foreign troops was so marked that 
cantonments had to be evacuated more speedily than had been 

In Germany, at all events, one principal reason why the 
Rightist revolt against the Republic succeeded was the progres- 
sive emphasis upon hatred in action. The bloody repression 
which marked the end of the short-lived 'Soviet' state in 
Bavaria did not arouse sentiments of pity in all the citizens of 


in avoiding too high spiritual assumptions cannot be too 

The more modest, then, its scientific ballast is, and the 
more it exclusively considers the feelings of the masses, the 
more striking will be its success. This, however, is the best 
proof whether a particular piece of propaganda is right or 
wrong, and not the successful satisfaction of a few scholars 
or ' aesthetic ' languishing monkeys. 

This is just the art of propaganda that it, understanding 
the great masses' world of ideas and feelings, finds, by a 
correct psychological form, the way to the attention, and 
further to the heart, of the great masses. That our super- 
clever heads never understand this proves only their men- 
tal inertia or their conceit. 

But if one understands the necessity of the attitude of 

Munich. The Hitler putsch of 1923 made the Party more 
popular in the city than it had been before. When the Nazis 
drove dissenters or imaginary dissenters from their meet- 
ings with cudgels, their audiences grew larger. Few people in 
Germany were at bottom anti-Semitic, but the joy large num- 
bers felt in promises of blood-curdling treatment to be meted 
out to the helpless minority made them responsive to the sug- 
gestion. Smashing windows and street fighting were relied 
upon to win the crowd. The propagandists encouraged them 
all. ' We shall reach our goal,' declared Goebbels, * when we have 
the courage to laugh as we destroy, as we smash, whatever was 
sacred to us as tradition, as education, as friendship and as 
human affection.' In the Vienna of March, 1938, ordinary 
citizens who had hitherto gone about peacefully, confessed to a 
strange delight in the sufferings visited upon the Jewish group. 
After a while that craving subsides in the great majority, to be 
followed by widespread loathing of what is termed 'barbarism. 9 
The pogrom of 1938, for example, elicited widespread open 
criticism. With such lapses of fervor the agents of propaganda 
must deal. 


the attracting skill of propaganda towards the great masses, 
the following rule then results: 

It is wrong to wish to give propaganda the versatility 
of perhaps scientific teaching. 

The great masses 9 receptive ability is only very limited, 
their understanding is small, but their forgetfulness is 
great. As a consequence of these facts, all effective propa- 
ganda has to limit itself only to a very few points and to use 
them like slogans until even the very last man is able to 
imagine what is intended by such a word. As soon as one 
sacrifices this basic principle and tries to become versatile, 
the effect will fritter away, as the masses are neither able 
to digest the material offered nor to retain it. Thus the re- 
sult is weakened and finally eliminated. 

The greater the line of its representation has to be, the 
more correctly from the psychological point of view will 
its tactics have to be outlined. 

For example, it was completely wrong to ridicule the ad- 
versary as was done in Austrian and German propaganda 
in comic papers. It was basically wrong for the reason that 
when a man met the adversary in reality he was bound to re- 
ceive an entirely different impression; something that took 
its most terrible revenge; for now the German soldier, under 
the direct impression of the resistance of the enemy, felt 
himself deceived by those who so far were responsible for 
his enlightenment, and instead of strengthening his fight- 
ing spirit or even his firmness, quite the contrary occurred. 
The man despaired. 

Compared with this, the war propaganda of the British 
and the Americans was psychologically right. By introduc- 
ing the German as a barbarian and a Hun to its own people, 
it thus prepared the individual soldier for the terrors of war 
and helped guard him against disappointment. The most 
terrible weapon which was now being used against him then 
appeared to him only as the proof of the enlightenment al- 


ready bestowed upon him, thus strengthening his belief that 
his government's assertions were right, and on the other 
hand it increased his fury and hatred against the atrocious 
enemy. For the cruel effect of the weapon of his enemy 
which he learned to know by his own experience appeared 
to him gradually as the proof of the already proclaimed 
'Hunnish' brutality of the barbaric enemy, without, how- 
ever, making him think for even a moment that his own 
weapons could have, perhaps, or even probably, a still more 
terrible effect. 

Thus the English soldier could not even for a moment 
have the impression that his country had taught him the 
wrong facts, something which was unfortunately the case 
to such an extent with the German soldier that he finally 
rejected everything that came from this side as 'swindle* 
and 'bunk' (Krampf). All these things were consequences 
of the fact that they believed they had a right to assign to 
propaganda just any idiot (or even 'otherwise* clever peo- 
ple) instead of understanding that sometimes even the 
most outstanding judges of the human soul are barely good 
enough for this purpose. 

Thus the German war propaganda offered an incom- 

Allied propaganda as such had no lasting effect upon soldiers 
at the Front; and we may be sure that Hitler was thinking 
rather of what could be done to keep enthusiasm alive among 
civilians. By 1917 French soldiers doubted every word that 
their papers printed; and yet those papers were no longer en- 
couraging waves of hatred but were stressing lofty ideals such 
as religious resignation and the beauty of a difficult task 
patiently done. ' I do not believe that the veteran soldier can 
thrive on hatred,' said an able writer at the time. And the 
greatest triumph British propaganda ever achieved was the 
promulgation of what later on became Mr. Wilson's ' Fourteen 


parable lesson for teaching and instruction for an 'enlight- 
enment' that worked in just the reverse direction, in con- 
sequence of a complete lack of all psychologically suitable 

The enemy, however, offered no end of study material 
for one who, with open eyes and a feeling that had not yet 
become calcified, pondered over the flood wave of the 
enemy's propaganda which had stormed upon him during 
four and a half years. 

But least of all did one understand the very primary con- 
dition for all propagandistic activity as a whole: namely, 
the subjectively biased attitude of propaganda towards the 
questions to be dealt with. In this field one sinned from 
above in such a manner, and from the very beginning of the 
War, that one was entitled to doubt whether so much non- 
sense could actually only be ascribed to stupidity. 

What would one say about a poster, for instance, which 
was to advertise a new soap, and which nevertheless de- 
scribes other soaps as also being 'good'? 

At this one would certainly shake one's head. 

Exactly the same is the case with political advertising. 

Propaganda's task is, for instance, not to evaluate the 
various rights, but far more to stress exclusively the one 
that is to be represented by it. It has not to search into 
truth as far as this is favorable to others, in order to present 
it then to the masses with doctrinary honesty, but it has 
rather to serve its own truth uninterruptedly. 

It was fundamentally wrong to discuss the war guilt 
from the point of view that not Germany alone could be 
made responsible for the outbreak of this catastrophe, but 
it would have been far better to burden the enemy entirely 
with this guilt, even if this had not been in accordance 
with the real facts, as was indeed the case. 

What, now, was the consequence of these half measures? 

The great mass of a people is not composed of diplomats 


or even teachers of political law, nor even of purely reason* 
able individuals who are able to pass judgment, but of 
human beings who are as undecided as they are inclined to- 
wards doubts and uncertainty. As soon as by one's own 
propaganda even a glimpse of right on the other side is ad- 
mitted, the cause for doubting one's own right is laid. The 
masses are not in a position to distinguish where the wrong 
of the others ends and their own begins. In this case they 
become uncertain and mistrusting, especially if the enemy 
does not produce the same nonsense, but, in turn, burdens 
their enemy with all and the whole guilt. What is more 
easily explained than that finally one's own people believe 
more in the enemy's propaganda, which proceeds more 
completely and more uniformly, than in one's own? This, 
however, may be said most easily of a people which suffers 
so severely from the mania of objectivity as the German 
people does. For now they will take pains not to do an in- 
justice to the enemy, even at the risk of the severest strain 
on, or destruction of, his own nation and State. 

But the masses do not at all realize that this is not the in- 
tention of the responsible authorities. 

The people, in an overwhelming majority, are so feminine 
in their nature and attitude that their activities and 
thoughts are motivated less by sober consideration than by 
feeling and sentiment. 

This sentiment, however, is not complicated but very 
simple and complete. There are not many differentiations, 
but rather a positive or a negative; love or hate, right or 
wrong, truth or lie; but never half this and half that, or 
partially, etc. 

The English propaganda understood and considered all 
this in the most ingenious manner. There were really no 
half measures which perhaps might have given cause for 

The proof of this brilliant knowledge of the primitiveness 


of feeling of the great masses was to be found in the atrocity 
propaganda that had been adapted to this, thus ruthlessly 
and ingeniously securing moral steadfastness at the front, 
even during the greatest defeats, and further in the just as 
striking pinning down of the German enemy as the only 
party guilty of the War's outbreak; a lie, the unsurpassed, 
impudent, and biased stubbornness of which and how it 
was brought forth took into account the sentimental and 
extreme attitude of this great people and therefore gained 

fBut how effective this kind of propaganda is is shown 
most strikingly by the fact that after four years it was not 
only able to make the enemy hold his own, but it even be- 
gan to eat into our own people. 

We must not be surprised, however, that our propaganda 
was not rewarded with this success. Its inner ambiguity 
included the germ of failure. But finally, in consequence 
of its contents, it was hardly probable that it would make 
the necessary impression on the masses. Only our brainless 
'statesmen' were able to hope that with this stale pacifistic 
dishwater one could succeed in arousing men to die volun- 

Thus this miserable stuff was useless, even harmful. 

Nevertheless, all geniality in the makeup of propaganda 
will not lead to success unless a fundamental principle is 
considered with continually sharp attention : it has to con- 
fine itself to little and to repeat this eternally. Here, too, 
persistency, as in so many other things in this world, is 
the first and the most important condition for success. 

In the field of propaganda particularly one must never 
be guided by aestheticists or blast persons; not by the first, 
because otherwise propaganda's form and expression would 
after a short time, instead of being suitable for the masses, 
only have an attraction for literary tea parties; but against 
the second one ought to guard oneself carefully for the rea- 


son that their shortage of fresh sentiments of their own is 
always looking for new stimulants. These people tire of 
everything after a short time; they want a change and they 
will never understand or be able to imagine the needs of 
their fellow citizens who are not yet so hard-boiled. They 
are always the first critics of propaganda, or rather of its 
content, which appears to them to be too old, too hack- 
neyed, then again too out-of-date, etc. They always want 
something new, they look for changes, thus becoming mor- 
tal enemies of any effective winning of the masses. For as 
soon as the organization and the content of a propaganda 
begin to orientate themselves after their needs, it will lose 
all complexity and will completely fritter itself away in- 

Now the purpose of propaganda is not continually to 
produce interesting changes for a few blast little masters, 
but to convince; that means, to convince the masses. The 
masses, however, with their inertia, always need a certain 
time before they are ready even to notice a thing, and they 
will lend their memories only to the thousandfold repetition 
of the most simple ideas. < 

A change must never alter the content of what is being 
brought forth by propaganda, but in the end it always has 
to say the same. Thus the slogan has to be illuminated 
from various sides, but the end of every reflection has al- 
ways and again to be the slogan itself. Only thus can and 
will propaganda have uniform and complete effect. 

This great line alone, which one must never leave, brings 
the final success to maturity by continually regular and 
consistent emphasis. But then one will be able to deter- 

This is very true and Hitler has demonstrated it. From 1920 
to 1933 he permitted himself few variations. His was always 
the same pose, the same gestures (fists clutched and shaken in 
front of his face, right arm stretched above his head with the 


mine with astonishment to what enormous and hardly un- 
derstandable results such perseverance will lead. 

All advertising, whether it lies in the field of business or 
of politics, will carry success by continuity and regular 
uniformity of application. 

Here, too, the enemy's war propaganda set a typical ex- 
ample. It was limited to a few points of view, calculated 
exclusively for the masses, and it was carried out with un- 
tiring persistency. Basic ideas and forms of execution 
which had once been recognized as being right were em- 
ployed throughout the entire War, and never did one make 
even the slightest change. At the beginning it was appar- 
ently crazy in the impudence of its assertions, later it be- 
came disagreeable, and finally it was believed. After four 
and a half years a revolution broke out in Germany the 
slogan of which came from the enemy's war propaganda. 

In England, however, one understood one thing more: 
that for this spiritual weapon the possible success lies only 
in the mass of its application, but that success amply covers 
all expenses. 

There, propaganda was considered a weapon of the first 
order, whereas with us it was the last bread of the politician 
without office, and a pot-boiler for the modest hero. 

All in all, its effect was just nil. 

index finger pointing toward the heavens), the same theme. 
The rhythm of the National-Socialist march is unmistakable; 
the conventions which surround official meetings are never 
dispensed with. There is always music of an approved military 

The propaganda intended for consumption in foreign coun- 
tries has been carefully adjusted to meet the requirements. 
Every country has its quota of agents, to whom money, ma- 
terials and instructions are freely supplied. Ernst Wilhelro 
Bohle, manager of the Foreign Organization 


isation) of the Party has associated with him the heads of a 
number of other groups also working in their way to inter- 
nationalize the doctrines of National Socialism. The two most 
effective weapons are these: the contention that Hitler is the 
bulwark of Western civilization against the revolutionary 
machinations of Moscow; and the doctrine that Jewry is the 
root of all evil. There are many people in this world who fear 
the Bolshevists; there are equally many who can be persuaded 
to dislike the Jew. Whenever violent nationalism is in the 
ascendancy, as is the case at present, both Jew and believing 
Christian necessarily suffer, but the first is at an especial dis- 
advantage because he can be stigmatized as a member of an 
alien race. Yet there are other things, too, which the propa- 
ganda attempts to stress the debt of civilization to the 
'Nordic'; the sins inherent in the democratic system of gov- 
ernment; and the blessings of totalitarianism. 

Throughout the Balkans, where there are in every country 
important Jewish minorities, this propaganda falls on welcome 
ears, particularly since a great number of peasants now 
for the most part in economic straits have long since been 
anti-Semitic. In Slovakia and northern Hungary, the disarray 
attendant upon the Munich settlement seems to have encour- 
aged a kind of belief that Hitler is the Grand Mogul. Roumania, 
Jugoslavia, and other States are torn between 'Fascist* and 
'anti-Fascist 1 propaganda. A particularly interesting example 
is Greece, whence young ladies and gentlemen have traveled 
to Germany at Nazi expense, then to set their experiences 
down in books and brochures. The government of the country 
being a dictatorship, there seems to be considerable official 
willingness to foster sympathy for Hitler. 

In Switzerland a determined government found it necessary 
during 1938 to ferret out a whole group of Nazi agents and spies. 
Some of these lived in fashionable hotels, adorning their rooms 
with photographs of Hitler and Goebbels and dispensing hospi- 
tality on a lavish scale. The Swiss government unearthed a 
scheme for settling all the German nationals in the Canton of 
St. Gallen, dose to the Austrian border. The Basle police ar- 
rested a ring of agents who had been active in Alsace-Lorraine 


Holland and Belgium, too, are under considerable Nazi pres- 
sure, but in both countries the vigorous stand taken by the 
Catholic hierarchy has presented a formidable obstacle. France 
has witnessed, primarily as a result of the ' new deal ' sponsored 
by L6on Blum, a recrudescence of anti-Semitism, but this has 
little to do, in all probability, with Nazi influence. There are 
some French propagandists for Nazism, notable Alphonse de 
Chateaubriant and Darquier de Pellepoix. Nazi aid was 
granted to General Franco in Spain, and as a result a vast 
amount of Nazi propaganda is spread throughout insurgent 

The United States has had to deal with Nazi agents on nu- 
merous occasions. The Dickstein Committee and the Dies 
Committee have heard reams of testimony, usually of a some- 
what confused kind, concerning among other things the 
Deutscher Volksbund (German Folk Association) and other or- 
ganizations friendly to Hitler. During 1938 a federal grand 
jury indicted, tried, and found guilty a number of persons in- 
volved in a plot to obtain military secrets. A number of ' Fas- 
cist* organizations throughout the country receive literature 
directly from German sources, the most important of which are 
the Fichtc-Bund and World Service. Naturalized Germans 
resident in the country are expected to fill out formulae indi- 
cating their ancestry and their present political convictions. 
Subtler methods of exercising influence are analyzed in The 
German Reich and Americans of German Origin, which lists 
many ties binding citizens of this country to the Third Reich. 
Cf. also The Nazi International (London, Friends of Europe 
Publications, Nr. 69). 


fiN THE year 1915 the enemy's propaganda had started 
I on our side ; in 1 9 1 6 it became more and more intensive, 
till finally, at the beginning of the year 1918, it swelled to 
a very flood. Now one could recognize the results of this 
fishing for souls on all sides. The army gradually learned to 
think the way the enemy wished it to. 

The German counter-action failed completely. 

The army, by virtue of the spirit and will power of its 
leader at that time, certainly had the intention and de- 
termination to take up the battle in this field also, but it 
lacked the instrument which would have been necessary 
to do so. From the psychological point of view also it was 
wrong that this enlightenment be carried out by the troops 
themselves. If it was to be effective, it had to come from 
home. Only then could one expect to be successful with 
men who, in the end, had performed immortal deeds of 
heroism and sacrifice for their home country for almost 
four years. 

But what did come from home? 

Was this failure stupidity or criminal? 

In the height of the summer of 1918, after the southern 
banks of the Marne had been cleared, the German press, 
above all. behaved so miserably and clumsily, nay crim- 


inally stupidly, that with my daily growing wrath the ques- 
tion arose in my mind whether there was really nobody at 
all who would put an end to this waste of the army's spirit- 
ual heroism? 

What happened in France, when in the year 1914 we 
rushed into that country in an unheard-of victorious storm? 
What did Italy do in the days of the collapse of its front 
on the Isonzo? What again did France do in the spring of 
1918 when the stormy assaults of the German divisions 
seemed to unhinge its positions and when the far-reaching 
arm of the heavy long-distance batteries began to knock at 
the doors of Paris? 

How had the fever heat of national passion been whipped 
into the faces of the hastily retreating regiments! How did 
propaganda and ingenious influence work on the masses 
in order to hammer the faith in a final victory into the 
hearts of the broken fronts ! 

But what was done on our side? 

Nothing, or even worse than that. 

At that time I often felt fury and indignation rise in me 
whenever we received the latest papers which enabled us 
to read of this psychological mass-murder which was being 
carried out. 

But more than once I was tormented by the thought 
that, if Destiny had put me in the place of these incapable 
or criminal scamps or incompetents of our propagand a serv- 
ice, a different kind of battle would have been announced 
to Destiny. 

In those months, for the first time, I felt fully the whims 
of fortune which kept me at the front in a place where any 
lucky move on the part of a negro could shoot me down, 
while somewhere else I would have been able to render a 
different service to my country. 

For I was bold enough to believe even then that I would 
have succeeded in thuu 


However. I was one without a name, one among eight 

Therefore it was better to keep my mouth shut and to do 
my duty as best I could. 

In the summer of 191 j the enemy's first leaflets fell into 
our hands. 

Despite some changes in form, their contents were 
nearly always the same, namely: that distress in Germany 
was growing more and more; that the duration of the war 
would be endless, while the hope of winning it was dwin- 
dling gradually; that the people at home were longing for 
peace for this reason, but that 'militarism' as well as the 
'Kaiser' would not permit this; that the entire world 
(which was very well aware of this) therefore did not fight 
against the German people, but rather exclusively against 
the sole culprit, the Kaiser; that this fight would not end 
unless this enemy of peaceful mankind should be eliminated ; 
that after the end of the War, the liberal and democratic 
nations, however, would accept Germany into the league 
of eternal world peace which would be assured from the 
hour when ' Prussian ' militarism was destroyed. 

For the better illustration of what was thus presented 
'letters from home' were not infrequently reprinted, the 
contents of which seemed to corroborate these statements. 

But in those days one generally merely laughed at these 
attempts. The leaflets were read, then passed on to the 
rear to the higher army staffs, then they were usually for- 
gotten till the wind forwarded a new shipment into the 
trenches from above; for it was mostly airplanes which 
served for bringing over these leaflets. 

In the nature of this propaganda, one point was bound 
to attract attention, that is, that in every section of the 
trenches where there were Bavarians, it persistently made 


front against Prussia by asserting not only that the latter 
was the real culprit and solely responsible for the entire 
War, but that there was not the slightest hostility against 
Bavaria; however, one would not be able to help her as 
long as she assisted in serving Prussian militarism, by pull- 
ing its chestnuts out of the fire. 

As early as the year 1915 this sort of persuasion actually 
began to have definite effects. Among the troops the feeling 
against Prussia grew quite visibly but the authorities 
did not even once interfere. This was even worse than a sin 
of omission, for sooner or later it was bound to take a most 
unfortunate revenge, not only on the 'Prussians' but on 
the German people, and to this the Bavarians themselves 
last but not least belong. 

In this direction the hostile propaganda began to show 
decided success as early as the year 1916. 

In the same way, the lamenting letters from home had 
long since begun to have an effect. Now it was no longer 
necessary for the enemy to forward these letters to the 
front in the form of leaflets, etc. Also nothing was done 
against this except for some indescribably stupid 'warn- 
ings' from the 'side of the government.' Now, as before, 
the front was flooded with this poison, manufactured by 
thoughtless women at home, without their guessing, how- 
ever, that this was the means to strengthen enormously 
the enemy's belief in his victory, thus prolonging and in- 
creasing the sufferings of their own people on the battle 
front. The German women's silly letters in the time that 
followed cost hundreds of thousands of men their lives. 

Thus it was already in 1916 that various symptoms be- 
came apparent which would better not have been present. 
At the front one abused and 'grumbled/ one was already 
discontented with many things and sometimes justly so. 
While the front suffered hunger and deprivations, while the 
families at home were in distress, there was abundance 


and revelry in other places. Nay, even on the battle front 
itself, not everything was as it should have been in this 

Even then there was a slight crisis; however, these were 
still 'domestic' affairs. The same man who at first had 
cursed and grumbled, a few minutes later performed si- 
lently his duty as though this were a matter of course. 
The same company, which at first was discontented, clung 
to the section of the trenches it had to protect as though 
Germany's destiny depended upon these hundred meters 
of mud holes. It was still the front of the old and glorious 
army of heroes! 

I was to learn the difference between home and the army 
in a drastic change. 

At the end of September, 1916, my division joined in the 
Somme battle. For us this was the first of these enormous 
material battles, and it was only too difficult to describe 
our impressions. This really seemed to resemble hell rather 
than war. 

During weeks of a whirlwind of drum fire the German 
front stood its ground, pushed back a little at times, then 
pushing ahead again, but never retreating. 

On October 7, 1916, I was wounded. 

I was luckily brought to the rear and was to be sent to 
Germany with a transport. 

Two years now had passed since I had seen home, an 
almost endless time under these circumstances. I was 
hardly able to imagine what Germans who were not clad 
in uniforms looked like. When I was lying in the field hospi- 
tal at Hermies, I almost jumped from the shock when I 
suddenly heard the voice of a German woman she was a 
nurse speak to one of the men lying next to me. 

For the first time, a sound like that after two years! 

But the nearer the train which was to bring us home ap- 
oroached the border, the more restless each one of us be- 


came. All the places passed by through which we had 
marched two years before as young soldiers: Brussels, 
Louvain, Lige, and finally we thought that we recognized 
the first German house by its high gable and its beautiful 

The fatherland! 

In October, 1914, we burned with wild enthusiasm when 
we passed the frontier; now quiet and emotion prevailed. 
Each one was happy that Destiny allowed him once more 
to see what he had to protect so earnestly with his life; 
and each one was almost ashamed to look the other in the 

It was almost on the anniversary of the day of my march- 
ing out that I was brought into the hospital at Beelitz near 

What a change! From the mud of the Somme battle into 
the white beds of this building of marvels! At the begin- 
ning one hardly dared to lie down properly. Only slowly 
was one able to become accustomed again to this new world. 

Unfortunately, this world was new in still another direc- 

The spirit of the army on the front seemed no longer to 
be a guest here. I heard here for the first time something 
that was still unknown at the front: bragging about one's 
own cowardice! For, no matter how much one heard 
cursing and 'grousing 1 at the front, it was never an invita- 
tion to shirk duty or even a glorification of the coward. 
No. The coward was still considered a coward, and no 
more; and the contempt he met with was still general, ex- 
actly as the admiration paid the real hero. But here in the 
hospital it was already the reverse: the unprincipled agita- 
tors had the word and tried with all the means of their mis- 
erable eloquence to picture the idea of the honest soldier as 
ridiculous and the coward's lack of character as an exam- 
ple to be followed. A few wretched fellows, above all, set 


the fashion. One of them bragged about having pulled 
his own hand through the barbed-wire fence so that he 
could come to the hospital; despite this ridiculous accident, 
he seemed to have been here an endless time, just as he had 
come in the transport to Germany by swindle. But this 
poisonous fellow actually went so far as to describe, with 
impudent cheek, his own cowardice as the result of a brav- 
ery higher than the heroic death of the honest soldier. 
Many listened in silence, others went out, but still others 
agreed with him. 

1 felt disgust rise in my throat, but the instigator was 
quietly tolerated in the hospital. What was to be done? 
The authorities must have known, and did know who and 
what he was. Yet nothing was done. 

When I was able to walk again, I was given permission 
to go to Berlin. 

It was apparent that distress was very great everywhere. 
The city of millions suffered hunger. Discontent was great. 
In various homes, however, where soldiers visited, the 
feeling was similar to that of the hospital. The general 
impression was as though these fellows intentionally sought 
out such places in order to air their opinions. 

But how much worse were conditions in Munich! 

When, after being cured, I was dismissed from the hos- 
pital and turned over to the reserve battalion, I thought I 

The winter of 1916 was a difficult one in all armies. War 
weariness, privation, and dissatisfaction with inevitable gov- 
ernmental inefficiency were rife everywhere. What Hitler says 
here concerning the feeling in Germany could be matched with 
reports from France and England. But in Munich and in- 
deed throughout most of Bavaria the situation was in a 
measure different. Ancient Bavarian particularism now made 
a scapegoat of Prussia, attributing to it the militarism that had 
plunged the Empire into war. Separatism was openly advo- 


hardly recognized the town again. Anger, grumbling, and 
cursing met me on all sides. In the reserve battalion the 
feeling was beyond all criticism. The clumsy manner in 
which the soldiers from the front were treated by the old 
instruction officers, who had not been at the front for even 
an hour and who, for this reason alone, were able only par- 
tially to establish good relations with the old soldiers, con- 
tributed to this. The returning soldiers could not help but 
show certain peculiarities which were explicable by their 
service at the front, but which were and remained entirely 
incomprehensible to the leaders of the reserve units, while 
the officer who had also been at the front could understand 
them. Finally, the latter was respected by the men in quite 
a different way from the commanders from the rear. But 
quite apart from this, the general mood was more than bad ; 
shirking of duty was looked upon almost as a sign of higher 
wisdom, but faithful endurance as a sign of inner weakness 
and narrow-mindedness. But the offices of the authorities 

cated. By 1918, newspapers in northern Bavaria were counsel- 
ing sabotage of the War; and in alarm Crown Prince Rupprecht 
urged upon the High Command the necessity for making the 
speediest possible peace. Hitler's subsequent course was dic- 
tated in a measure by these phenomena. After the War 
Bavaria was a place of refuge for all nationalist agitators who 
were pursued by the Republic, but it was also the custodian of 
the monarchical and particularist doctrines. Its government 
was motivated by a desire to put Rupprecht on the throne, and 
to regulate the affairs of Bavaria more or less independently of 
those of Germany as a whole. This could not be Hitler's pur- 
pose, since he was a Pan-German. Accordingly he tried to 
force the issue and to compel the Bavarian government to 
participate in a march on Berlin by staging the putsch of 1923. 
In a measure he was abetted by the fact that Rupprecht was 
averse to accepting the crown of Bavaria unless monarchical 
restoration took place throughout Germany. 


were occupied by Jews. Almost every clerk a Jew and every 
Jew a clerk. I was amazed by this multitude of fighters of 
the Chosen People and could not help comparing them with 
the few representatives they had on the front. 

In the business world things were even worse. Here the 
Jewish people had really become 'indispensable/ fThe 
spider began slowly to suck the people's blood out of its 
pores. By way of the war societies one had found the instru- 
ment with which to put an end, bit by bit, to a national 
and free economy. 

Now one stressed the necessity of a limitless centraliza- 

As early as in the year 1916-17 almost the entire pro- 
duction was indeed under the control of the Jewry of high 

But against whom did the people's hatred direct itself? 

At that time I saw with horror a fate approach which, 
if it was not warded off in the eleventh hour, was bound to 
lead us to destruction. 

Jewish citizens of Germany at the time the War broke out 
numbered about 550,000. Of these 100,000 were in uniform, 
and of these four-fifths saw duty at the front. There were 
12,000 casualties, BO that the ratio was virtually the same as 
that for the population as a whole; 35,000 Jews were decorated 
for bravery; 23,000 were promoted; and 2000 received com- 
missions a remarkable fact seeing that prior to the War the 
Prussian army had barred Jewish officers. There were 165 Jew- 
ish aviators, a fifth of whom were killed in action. These fig- 
ures are based on official German war records. The first asser- 
tion that Jews had shirked their duty in war-time was made by 
General Ernest von Wrisberg. (Cf. his Erinnerungen.) Jewish 
veterans formed an organization of their own. General von 
Linsingen, a distinguished commander on the eastern front, 
applied for admission to this organization during 1933, on the 
ground that he had a Jewish grandmother. 


While the Jew robbed the entire nation and pressed it 
under his rule, people agitated against the 'Prussians/ 
Exactly as on the front, at home nothing was done by the 
authorities against this poison propaganda. It seemed that 
one did not guess that Prussia's breakdown would not 
mean the rise for Bavaria, but that, on the contrary, the 
downfall of the one was also bound to hurl the other hope- 
lessly into the abyss. 

At that time I felt infinitely sorry because of this. In 
these things I could only see the most ingenious trick of the 
Jew to divert general attention from himself and draw it to 
others. While now the Bavarian and the Prussian quar- 
reled, the Jew pulled away their means of existence from 
under the very nose of both ; while abusing the Prussian, the 
Jew organized the revolution and smashed Prussia as well 
as Bavaria at the same time. 

I could not stand this cursed feud between the German 
tribes, and I was glad to return to the front for which I 
registered immediately after my arrival at Munich. 

During the War commerce in produce was regulated by the 
government, through the so-called Kriegsgesellschaften. Officials 
regulated prices, distributed ration cards, and supervised the 
stocks of materials needed for the conduct of the War. During 
1914 and 1915, Walther Rathenau was director of the war ma- 
terials section of this organization. He was a Jewish industrial- 
ist and author of treatises on social problems, who later on 
became Foreign Minister in the Wirth Cabinet and whose mur- 
der by a band of Rightist assassins in 1922 almost precipitated 
another civil war. Doubtless the major reason for the hatred 
which nationalists of the kind to whom Hitler appealed felt for 
Rathenau was nothing more serious than a remark once ated 
from his writings by General Ludendorff. The charge that 
Rathenau could have used his office to further Jewish financial 
interests is a fabrication. 


At the beginning of March, 1917, I was again with my 

Towards the end of the year 1917 it seemed as though the 
depth of the army's despair had passed. After the Russian 
breakdown the entire army now breathed new hope and 
fresh courage. The conviction that the fight would yet end 
with a German victory began to take hold of the troops 
more and more. Now one could hear them sing again, and 
the croakers became fewer in number. Once more one be- 
lieved in the fatherland's future. 

Especially the Italian breakdown of the fall of 1917 had 
exercised the most wonderful influence; for one saw in this 
victory the proof of the possibility that one would be able 
to break through the front at a place distant from the Rus- 
sian battlefield. Now again a marvelous faith filled the 
hearts of the millions and made them look forward to the 
spring of 1918 with revived confidence. The enemy, how- 
ever, was visibly depressed. In this winter he remained a 
little more quiet than at other times. The calm before the 
storm had set in. 

While now the front undertook the ultimate preparations 
for the final termination of the eternal struggle, while end- 
less transports of men and material rolled towards the 
Western Front and the troops were given their final train- 
ing for the great attack, the worst piece of villainy of the 
entire War, up to that time, took place in Germany. 

Germany was not to be victorious; thus in the last hour, 
when victory already threatened to fasten itself to the Ger- 
man flags, one had seized means which seemed suitable to 
nip in the bud at one blow the German attack of that 
spring and to make victory impossible. 

The munitions strike was organized. 

!f it succeeded, then the German front was bound to 


break down, and the wish of the Vorwaerts, that this victory 
was not to entwine itself with the German flags, would be 
fulfilled. With the shortage of munitions the front must 
necessarily be pierced in the course of a few weeks, the 
attack was thus prevented, the Entente was saved, but 
international capital was made Germany's master; for this 
was the inner aim of the Marxist betrayal of the people. 

The smashing of the national economy in favor of the 
establishment of the rule of international capital; some- 
thing in which these gentlemen now succeeded, thanks to 
the stupidity and the credulity of the one and the bottom- 
less cowardice of the other. < 

However, the munitions strike had not the ultimately 
desired success as far as starving the front of weapons was 
concerned; it broke down too early to allow the shortage 
of munitions as such to sentence the army to doom, such 
as the plan presented itself. But how much more terrible 
was the moral damage which now had been done! 

First, for what, now, did the army continue to fight, if 
home itself no longer wanted victory? For whom the 

The Munitions Strike was declared in Berlin and some other 
cities during February, 1918. It was an effort to secure amelio- 
rations, particularly of the food ration; but it was also used by 
some of its sponsors as an act of protest against the continuance 
of the War. Leaders of the Socialist Party had entered the 
strike committee specifically in order to see to it that the move- 
ment did not sponsor sabotage. General Ludendorff placed 
Berlin under martial law, mass arrests were made, and large 
numbers of workers were sent to the front. This broke the 
strike before any military damage was done, but the psycho- 
logical effect on the workers was bad. They felt that their just 
demands had been answered with nothing but brutal repression. 
For their part the generals felt that German morale had been 
seriously undermined. (Cf . Die 14 Jahre, by Friedrich Stamp- 


enormous sacrifices and deprivations? The soldier was to 
fight for victory and at home they were striking against it! 

But what was, secondly, the effect on the enemy? 

In the winter of 1917-18 dark douds rose for the first 
time over the horizon of the Allied world. For almost four 
years now one had attacked the German giant and could 
not bring him to fall; but in addition, it was only the arm 
holding the shield which was free to defend himself, while 
he had to raise the sword for striking now in the East, 
now in the South. Now, at last, the giant was free in the 
back. Streams of blood had flown till he succeeded in 
finally striking down one of the enemies. Now in the West 
the sword was to help the shield, and had the enemy not 
succeeded so far in breaking the defense, now he was to be 
hit by attack. 

Vorwaerts, the Berlin Social Democratic daily, had demanded 
a peace of understanding rather than a peace of victory. But 
the sentence here quoted from an editorial of October 20, 1918, 
is taken out of its context, as will be evident when the passage 
as a whole is cited: 'We stand against overwhelming odds. We 
will not win this war. We will not fight a moment longer than 
we must fight, and we are fighting not for victory but for 
peace in which there will not be present the germ of another 
war. Germany shall that is our firm decision as Socialists 
furl its battle flags forever without having brought them home 
in victory the last time. That is a heavy moral burden for 
every people, and those who wish to make that burden heavier 
than it can be borne take a great measure of responsibility upon 
themselves. No peace can make us unable to defend ourselves. 
Even the victor can obtain security only from a peace that dis- 
arms all and makes friends of enemies. But a peace is a danger 
for him too, if it be a peace which sends a people home to read 
in the bloody history of the past that the vanquished of today 
are the victors of tomorrow.' It is, of course, perfectly obvious 
that this editorial written after the armistice parleys had be- 
gun was only a plea for a just treaty of peace. 


fOne feared him and one was worried about the victory. 

In London and Paris one conference chased the other, 
but on the front a sleepy silence prevailed. The gentlemen 
had suddenly lost their impudence. Even the hostile propa- 
ganda had hard work now; it was no longer so easy to 
prove the hopelessness of the German victory. 

But this was true also as regards the Allied troops on 
the fronts themselves. Now also an uncanny realization 
began to dawn gradually upon them. Their inner attitude 
towards the German soldier had changed now. Up till now 
he might be looked upon as a fool who was nevertheless 
destined to doom; now, however, they were confronted by 
the conqueror of the Russian ally. The limitations of the 
German attacks in the East, born of necessity, now seemed 
ingenious tactics. For three years now these Germans had 
stormed Russia, at the beginning without even the slight- 
est seeming success. One almost laughed at this senseless 
enterprise; because, by the overwhelming number of his 
men, the Russian giant was finally sure to remain the 
victor, Germany, however, would collapse after having 
bled herself out. Reality seemed to confirm this hope. 

Since September, 1914, when for the first time the end- 
less masses of Russian prisoners from the Tannenberg 
battle began to roll towards Germany on roads and rail- 
ways, this stream hardly ever came to an end; but for 
every beaten and destroyed army, a new one arose. In- 
exhaustibly the gigantic realm continued to give the Czar 
new soldiers and the war new victims. How long would 
Germany be able to hold her own in this race? Was not 
the day to arrive when, after the last German victory, still 
not the last Russian armies would march up for the very 
last battle? And what then? In all human probability, a 
Russian victory could well be postponed, but it was bound 
to come. 

Now all these hopes were at an end; the ally who had 


laid down the greatest sacrifice in blood on the altar of 
common interests was at the end of his strength and was 
lying prostrate on the ground before the inexorable aggres- 
sor. Fear and horror crept into the hearts of the soldiers 
who hitherto had trusted blindly. One feared the coming 
spring. For, if so far one had not succeeded in breaking 
the German even though he was able to present himself 
only in part on the Western Front, how could one still 
count on a victory now that the entire power of this un- 
canny State of heroes seemed to concentrate itself for an 
attack of its own? 

The shadows of the South Tyrolean mountains cast 
gloom on the imagination : as far as into the fogs of Flanders 
the beaten armies of Cadorna conjured up dreary faces, 
and the confidence in the victory gave way before the fear 
of the coming defeat. 

There, when out of the cool nights one thought one 
already heard the monotonous rolling of advancing storm 
units of the German army, and when one started with 
oppressing fear at the coming judgment, suddenly a fierce 
red light flashed up in Germany and threw its rays as far 
as into the remotest shell hole of the enemy's front ;< 
at the moment when the German divisions received their last 
instructions for the great attack, the general strike broke 
out in Germany. 

At first the world was speechless. But then the hostile 
propaganda threw itself with sighs of relief upon this aid 
in the eleventh hour. Now at one blow the means was 
found with which one was able to raise the sinking confi- 
dence of the Allied soldiers, to make the probability of 
victory appear realizable again, and to turn the gloomy 

This is part of the famous 'stab in the back* theory of why 
Germany lost the War. A statement concerning this theory is 
appended to this chapter. 


fear of the coming events into determined confidence. Now 
the conviction that the decision about the end of this war 
would not be due to the daring of the German storm, but 
to their endurance in warding it off, could be given to the 
regiments, expecting the German attack, on their way to 
the greatest battle of all times. One could let the Germans 
win as many victories as they might want to; Revolution 
awaited its entry into their country and not the victorious 

Now British, French, and American papers began to 
plant again this belief into the hearts of their readers, 
while an infinitely skillful propaganda whipped up the 
troops on the front. 

'Germany on the eve of Revolution. Victory of the 
Allies inevitable/ This was the best medicine in order to 
set the wavering poilu or Tommy on his feet once more. 
Now rifles and machine guns could be made to fire once 
more, and a rushing away in panicky flight was replaced 
by hopeful resistance. 

This was the result of the munitions strike. It strength- 
ened the hostile nation's confidence in victory and elimi- 
nated the paralyzing despair of the Allied front. But in 
the time that followed, thousands of German soldiers had 
to pay for this with their blood. The originators of the 
villainous act were the aspirants to the highest State posi- 
tions of revolutionary Germany. 

On the German side one was at first certainly able appar- 
ently to overcome the most visible reaction to this act, 
but on the side of the enemy the consequences soon became 
apparent. The resistance had lost the aimlessness of any 
army that considered everything as lost, and in its stead 
appeared the exasperation of a fight for victory. 

For in all human probability, victory was now bound to 
come if the Western Front resisted the German attack 
for only a few months. In the parliaments of the Entente, 


however, one recognized the possibilities of the future, and 
one granted unheard-of funds for the continuation of the 
propaganda for Germany's destruction. 

I had the good fortune to be able to join in the first 
two attacks and in the last one. 

These have become the most enormous impressions of my 
life; enormous for the reason that now for the last time, 
as in 1914, the fight lost its character of defense and assumed 
that of attack. A breath of relief passed along the trenches 
and posts of the German army, when finally, after more 
than three years of perseverance in the hostile inferno, 
the day of revenge approached. Once more the victorious 
battalions jubilated, and the last wreaths of immortal 

On March 21, 1918, the Germans launched an attack on the 
British Fifth Army along the Picardy front. The onslaught waa 
heaviest at the point where the English and French forces 
joined, and for some days it seemed as if the Fifth Army would 
be destroyed. But French reinforcements arrived in time to 
stem the tide. In April the Germans struck another blow 
farther to the north, and in the battle of Armentiftres imperiled 
Calais and other Channel ports. British losses were heavy, but 
Ludendorff failed to reach his objective. Thereupon, during 
the months of May and June, three attacks were made in the 
hope of encircling Paris. The Germans succeeded in crossing 
the Marne at Chateau-Thierry, but the Rheims salient held and 
therewith the German thrust had failed. On July 18, Marshal 
Foch began the series of successful counter-attacks that ended 
the War. 

There can be no doubt that Ludendorff 's offensives consti- 
tute one of the most brilliant and most futile military opera- 
tions in history. A magnificent German army, sure that it 
could end the conflict and cheered by the elimination of Russia, 
struck with a vigor that will forever honor its history. But the 


laurel hung themselves on the flags around which victory 
waved. Once more the songs of the fatherland roared up 
to the sky along the endless marching columns and for 
the last time the Lord's grace smiled down on his ungrate- 
ful children. 


In the height of the summer of 1918 oppressive sultriness 
hovered over the front. At home one quarreled. What 
about? Many stories were told in the various units of the 
field army. Now the War was hopeless, and only fools were 
still able to believe in victory. The people no longer had 
an interest in holding out any further, but only Capital 
and the monarchy this news came from home and was 
also discussed on the front. 

At first it reacted only very moderately to this. What 
had we to do with universal suffrage? Was it perhaps for 
this that we had fought for four years? It was a mean act 
of banditry to steal in this way the aim of the War from 
the heroes dead in their graves. Not with the call, ' Long 
live universal suffrage and the secret ballot,' had the young 
regiments once marched towards death in Flanders, but 
with the cry, 'Deutschland uber dttes inder Welt.' A small 
but not quite unimportant difference. But those who called 
for the right to vote had for the greater part not been 
there where now they wanted to fight for this. The front 
did not know the whole pack of political parties. One saw 
only a fraction of the 'parliamentarian' gentlemen there 

wisdom of LudendorfFs strategy in these battles von Hin- 
denburg was little more than a moral force has been doubted 
by the best German students of military science. He had 
staked the future of Germany on a desperate gamble, using all 
available man-power and destroying every hope of reaching a 
peace by negotiation. 


where decent Germans stayed at that time, provided their 
limbs were only straight. 

The front in its old makeup was therefore only little 
susceptible to these new war aims of the Messrs. Ebert, 
Scheidemann, Earth, Liebknecht, etc. Also, one did not 
at all understand why these shirkers should now suddenly 
have the right to assume control of the State by going 
over the heads of the army. 

My personal attitude towards this was fixed from the 
beginning: I whole-heartedly hated the entire Jot of these 
wretched party rascals who betrayed the people. Long 
since I had clearly seen the fact that this gang were really 
not concerned with the welfare of the nation, but rather 
with filling their own empty pockets. But that even now 
they were ready to sacrifice the entire people to this pur- 
Hitler, as Heiden points out in a brilliant passage, is here 
describing what may have been the experience which shaped 
his own future. He did not question the right fulness of the kind 
of leadership then directing the destinies of Germany. The 
hard-headed tenacity with which Ludendorff clung to a war of 
conquest, the declaration of U-boat warfare in spite of the 
United States, the harshness of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, 
the march through Belgium, the sacrifice of all moral prestige 
in the world all these things and more he was wholly willing 
to accept because they meant the extension of German power. 
But he saw that this military government and the caste which 
had supported it had failed to catch the ear of the people. Even 
the instruments of propaganda which the nationalists devised 

among them the Vatcrlandspartei (Fatherland Party) and 
its orators who accused every moderate German of high treason 

failed abysmally to do the necessary work. 

Personal contact with other soldiers had brought Hitler as 
little success as had his relations with Viennese workingmen. 
The rest avoided him, looked upon his formalistic fidelity to 
military routine as 'bootlicking;/ and laughed at his patriotic 


pose, and, if necessary, to let Germany go to the dogs, 
this, in my eyes, made them ripe for the rope. To consider 
their wishes would mean to sacrifice the interests of the 
working classes in favor of a number of sluggards; but one 
could fulfill them only if one was ready to give up Germany. 

These were still the thoughts of by far the majority of 
the fighting army. Only the reinforcements coming from 
home now rapidly became worse and worse, so that their 
arrival did not mean a strengthening, but rather a weaken- 
ing, of the fighting forces. The young reinforcements 
especially were for the greater part worthless. Often one 
could believe only with difficulty that these were supposed 
to be the sons of the same nation which once had sent its 
youth into the battle of Ypres. 

During August and September the symptoms of decay 
increased rapidly, although the effects of the enemy at- 
tacks could not be compared with the horrors of our 
defensive battles of some time ago. Compared with them, 

speeches. The reason was, he decided, that these men had been 
misled by 'democratic* propaganda. They really believed that 
the War was being fought for the sake of the nobles and the 
rich. To them electoral reform did mean something, and their 
labor organizations were matters of great import to them. No- 
body had made them realize that alj^uch things were of minor 
consequence compared with the aggrandizement of Germany. 
For that aggrandizement would mean the nation's enrichment 
and therewith prosperity and prestige. 

In Hitler's mind there ripened the decision to supply the 
missing contact between Pan-Germanism and democracy. He 
would talk to the people in their own language, but he would 
persuade them to adopt the Pan-German outlook. Now his ad- 
miration for Lueger, and his respect for Allied statesmen like 
Wilson and Lloyd George, bred in him the conviction that he 
would give Germany the benefit of a similar methodology. 


the Somme and Flanders battles were ghastly memories 
of the past. 

At the end of September my division for the third time 
came to those positions we once, as young volunteer regi- 
ments, had attacked. 

What a memory! 

t There, in October and November, 1914, we had received 
our baptism of fire. With the love for the fatherland in 
our hearts and with songs on our lips, our young regiment 
had marched into battle as to a dance. The most valuable 
blood gave itself up joyfully in the belief that it would 
guard the fatherland's independence and freedom. 

In July, 1917, we stepped for the second time on the 
soil that was sacred to us. For under it there slumbered 
the best comrades, almost children still, who once with 
beaming eyes had run into the arms of death for the only 
and dear fatherland ! 

Now we old ones, who once had marched out with the 
regiment, stood in reverential emotion on the soil of the 
oath for 'loyalty and obedience unto death/ 

This soil which our regiment had conquered by storm 
three years before, it had now to guard in a difficult de- 
fensive battle. 

With continuous drum fire for three weeks, the British 
prepared the great attack of Flanders. There the spirits of 
the dead seemed to come to life again ; the regiment clutched 
the dirty mud and fastened its grip into the individual 
holes and craters and did not give way and did not waver, 
and thus, as once before in this place, it became smaller 
and thinner in number, till finally on July 31, 1917, the 
English attack broke out. 

In the first days of August we were relieved. 

The regiment had been reduced to a few companies; 
these now made their way back, stumbling and encrusted 
with mud, more like ghosts than human beings. But apart 


from a few hundred meters of shell holes, the English had 
only gained death. << 

Now, in the fall of 1918, we stood for the third time on 
the soil of the storms of 1914. Our one-time resting place, 
Comines, had now become the battlefield. However, even 
though the battlefield was the same, the men had changed; 
now one also 'discussed polities' among the troops. The 
poison from home, as everywhere else, began to show its 
effect here also. The younger reinforcements, however, 
failed completely, they came from home. 

In the night from October 13 to October 14 the English 
began to throw gas on the southern front of Ypres; yellow- 
cross gas was being used, the effects of which were unknown 
to us so far as personal experience was concerned. I was 
to get to know it personally in this very night. On the 
eve of October 13, on a hill south of Wervick, we had come 
under a drum fire of gas shells, lasting several hours, which 
continued more or less violently throughout the entire 
night. Towards midnight a part of us passed out, some of 
our comrades forever. Towards morning I, too, was seized 
with pains which grew worse with every quarter hour, and 
at seven o'clock in the morning I stumbled and tottered 
rearwards with burning eyes, but taking with me my last 
report in the War. 

Already a few hours later the eyes had turned into 
burning coals; it had become dark around me. 

Thus I was brought into the hospital at Pasevalk in 
Pomerania and there I was to experience the greatest 
villainy of the century. 

Something uncertain and disgusting had hovered in the 
air for a long time. People told each other that during the 
coming weeks it would 'go off, 9 but I was not able to 
imagine what was to be understood by this. First of all 


I thought of a strike, similar to that of spring. Unfavorable 
rumors continued to come from the navy which was said 
to be in ferment. But also this appeared to me more a 
product of the imagination of various fellows than some* 
thing that concerned the masses. In the hospital, however, 
everybody hoped that the end of the War might come 
soon, but nobody counted on an 'immediately.' However, 
I was not able to read newspapers. 

During November the general tension increased. 

There one day suddenly and without warning the disaster 
came upon us. Sailors arrived on trucks and called out for 
the Revolution; a few Jew boys, however, were the 'leaders' 
in the fight that now started also here, the fight for 'free- 
dom/ 'beauty/ and 'dignity' of our people's existence. 
None of them had been at the front. By way of a so-called 
'gonorrhoea-hospital 1 these three Orientals had been sent 
home from the base behind the front. Now they pulled up 
the red rag here. 

I had been somewhat better lately. The boring pain in 
the sockets of my eyes had diminished; gradually I suc- 
ceeded in learning to distinguish my surroundings in rough 
outlines; I could hope to regain my eyesight at least enough 
that later I would be able to take up some profession ; how- 
ever, I could no longer hope that I would ever again be 
able to draw; nevertheless I was on the way to improve- 
ment when the iponstrous event happened. 

My first hope was still that the high treason was nothing 
but a more or less local affair. I also tried to convince 
some of my comrades to that effect. Especially my Bava- 
rian comrades in the hospital were more than receptive to 
this. The mood was anything but ' revolutionary.' Further, 
I could not imagine that the lunacy would break out in 
Munich also. The loyalty towards the honorable House of 
Wittelsbach seemed to me to be stronger than the will of 
a few Jews. Thus I could but believe that this was only a 


putsch on the part of the navy which would be suppressed 
in the following days. 

The following days came, and with them the most ter- 
rible certainty of my life. The rumors became more and 
more depressing. What I had taken to be a local affair 
was now to be a general revolution. To this was added the 
shameful news from the front. One intended to capitulate. 
Why was something of that kind really possible? 

On November 10 the pastor came into the hospital for a 
short address; now we knew everything. 

In utmost excitement, I, too, was present during the 
short speech: The dignified old gentleman seemed to 
tremble very much when he told us that now the House of 
Hohenzollern was no longer allowed to wear the German 
imperial crown, that the country had now become a 're- 
public/ and that now one should ask the Almighty not to 
deny His blessings upon this change and not to abandon 
our people in the time to come. He certainly could not 
help it, but in a few words he had to remember the Royal 
House, he wanted to praise its merits in Pomerania, in 
Prussia, even in the entire country and there he began 
to weep silently; but in the small hall deepest depression 
seized all hearts, and I believe that not one eye was able 
to hold back the tears. But then as the old gentleman tried 
to continue and began to tell us that now we had to end 
the long war, that even our fatherland would now be sub- 
mitted to severe oppressions in the future, that now the 
War was lost and that we had to surrender to the mercy of 
the victors . . , that the armistice should be accepted with 
confidence in the generosity of our previous enemies . . . 
there I could stand it no more. It was impossible for me 
to stay any longer. While everything began to go black 
again before my eyes, stumbling, I groped my way back 
to the dormitory, threw myself on my cot and buried my 
burning head in the covers and pillows. 


I had not wept since the day I had stood at the grave 
of my mother. Whenever during my youth Fate handled 
me roughly, my stubbornness grew; when thereafter, dur- 
ing the long years of the War, Death called more than 
one of my dear comrades or friends from our ranks, to me 
it would have seemed almost a sin to complain. They died 
for Germany! And even when, during the last days of the 
terrible struggle, the creeping gas attacked me too and 
began to eat into my eyes, and when, under the impact 
of the shock of fear of becoming blind forever, I was about 
to despair for a moment, the voice of Conscience thundered 
at me: Miserable wretch, you want to cry while thousands 
are a hundred times worse off than you; then I bore my 
fate apathetically and silently. But now I could not help 
it any longer, only now I saw how completely all personal 
grief disappears in the face of the fatherland's disaster. 

Now all had been in vain. In vain all the sacrifices and 
deprivations, in vain the hunger and thirst of endless 
months, in vain the hours during which, gripped by the 
fear of death, we nevertheless did our duty, and in vain 
the death of two millions who died thereby. Would not 
the graves of all the hundreds of thousands open up, the 
graves of those who once had marched out with faith in 
the fatherland, never to return? Would they not open up 
and send the silent heroes, covered with mud and blood, 
home as spirits of revenge, to the country that had so 
mockingly cheated them of the highest sacrifice which in 
this world man is able to bring to his people? Was it for 
this that they had died, the soldiers of August and Sep- 
tember, 1914, was it for this that the regiments of volun- 
teers followed the old comrades in the fall of the same 
year? Was it for this that boys of seventeen sank into 
Flanders Fields? Was that the meaning of the sacrifice 
which the German mother brought to the fatherland when 
in those days, with an aching heart, she let her most b*- 


loved boys go away, never to aee them again? Was it all 
for this that now a handful of miserable criminals was 
allowed to lay hands on the fatherland? 

Was it for this that the German soldier had persevered 
in burning sun and in snowstorms, suffering hunger, thirst, 
and cold, tired by sleepless nights and endless marches? 
Was it for this that he had lain in the hell of drum fire 
and in the fever of gas attacks, without receding, always 
his sole duty in mind, to guard the fatherland against the 
distress from the enemy? 

Truly, these heroes too deserve a memorial : 

'Wanderer, ye who come to Germany, announce to the 
homeland that we are lying here, loyal to the fatherland 
and faithful to duty/ 

And the homeland? 

Was it only our own sacrifice which we had to throw into 
the balance? Was the Germany of the past worthless? 
Was there not also an obligation towards our own history? 
Were we still worthy of applying the fame of the past to us 
also? How was this deed to be submitted to the future for 

Wretched and miserable criminals! 

The more I tried to clarify this terrible event in that 
hour, the stronger burned the shame of indignation and 
dishonor on my forehead. What was now all the pain of 
my eyes as compared with this misery? 

What now followed were terrible days and even worse 
nights. Now I knew that everything was lost. Only fools 
or liars and criminals were able to hope for the mercy 
of the enemy. In those nights my hatred arose, the hatred 
against the originators of this deed. 

In days that followed, I became aware of my own destiny. 
Now I had to laugh at the thought of my own future, which 
until recently had worried me so much. Was it not ridicu- 
lous to wish to build houses on such ground? Finally it 


also became clear to me that what happened was only 
what I had feared so long, and which my feelings had not 
been able to believe. 

Kaiser Wilhelm II was the first German Emperor who 
extended his hand to the leaders of Marxism without guess- 
ing that scoundrels are without honor. While they were 
still holding the imperial hand in their own, the other was 
feeling for the dagger. 

With the Jews there is no bargaining, but only the 
hard either or. 

I, however, resolved now to become a politician. 

It is important to note that Hitler's hatred was not directed 
primarily at the Treaty of Versailles. That was a mere minor 
detail a peace similar to what Germany would have dic- 
tated had it been victorious. National life is the expression of 
the law of the survival of the fittest; only fools like Kurt Eisner 
would have it otherwise. The horrible, the detestable, thing 
was that Germany had lost the War. Lost it, so ran the ex- 
planation, because of sabotage from within. Therewith the 
notion that Germany had been stabbed in the back became of 
primary political importance. 

Some time after the War, General Sir Neill Malcolm was 
dining with Ludendorff in Berlin, listening to Ludendorff main- 
tain that he had failed to win the War because of lack of sup- 
port from the government. ' Do you mean you were stabbed in 
the back?' the Englishman asked. 'Yes,' was the eager reply, 
'stabbed in the back! 1 This version of the affair was then 
offered by von Hindenburg when he appeared before the Com- 
mittee of Enquiry which the Reichstag had appointed to find 
out why the War was lost. Speaking on November 18, 1919, 
the Marshal declared that the Revolution had only been the 
Mast straw* in a systematic process of undermining the army 
and that it had been on the testimony of British generals 
'stabbed in the back.' (Cf. The Wooden Titan, by John W. 

The appointment of this committee had been necessitated bv 


debates which had deeply stirred the German Constitutional 
Assembly at Weimar. Nationalists, led by Karl Helfferich 
(war-time Minister of Finance), had denounced Matthias 
Erzberger, who signed the armistice, as a traitor to his country. 
Erzberger replied in bitter speeches which for the first time tore 
the mask from the methods employed by the High Command 
during the War. He accused Ludendorff of having undermined 
every effort to reach a peace by compromise, and in particulai 
of having looked upon the entry of the United States into the 
conflict as a mere bagatelle. Had not Helfferich said that Wil- 
son was just in time to pay the bills Germany had run up for 
military supplies? The effect of Erzberger's speeches was tre- 
mendous. Delegates screamed and wept aloud as the fiery or- 
ator attacked Pan-Germanism as the cause of national dis- 
aster. Thereafter the issue became one of central importance in 
the nation's political life. 

Immediately a campaign to ruin Erzberger was started by 
Helfferich, and as a result he was compelled to retire from 
public life. Neither the Centrists nor the Social Democrats 
realized at the time how great a blow the Republican cause had 
suffered ; and even when Erzberger was assassinated by a group 
of fanatics, the import of what had happened was clear only to 
a few. Soon the charge that every member of the Republican 
government was a 'November criminal* was being made in a 
great variety of nationalist journals or pamphlets; and a wave 
of political murders swept over the country. The Commission 
of Enquiry heard a great deal of testimony, which is enshrined 
in many volumes, but reached few conclusions. The prestige 
of the generals was still so great that few were in a position to 
challenge their authority. Perhaps the major result was that a 
vigorous critique of General Ludendorff s military policy in 
1918 was read into the record, Professor Hans Delbrueck con- 
tending that every canon of the soldier's science had been 

It was proved that when the offensives of that year were 
begun, the army had been in excellent condition, and that the 
supply of matirid de guerre was more than adequate. But on 
August 8 it had suffered a defeat described by Ludendorff as 


the 'black day in German history. 9 A few days later, the 
Kaiser discussed the situation with his generals and concluded : 
1 1 see, we must add up accounts. We have arrived at the limit 
of our energies. The War must be stopped.' But on August 13 
Ludendorff insisted to the Chancellor, Count von Hertling, 
that Germany could accept no peace that did not conserve 
German rights in Belgium and Poland ; and on the next day, at 
a Crown Council in Spa, he stated that the proper moment to 
sue for peace would have arrived as soon as he had won another 
victory on the western front. By the middle of September, 
however, the Austrians were suing for peace and the Mace- 
donian front had collapsed. On the 2ist of the same month, 
Ludendorff requested the German government to sound out 
the United States concerning peace, and followed this seven 
days later with a statement to the effect that the German situ- 
ation was so desperate that no further delay was possible. The 
effect of this precipitate action was that the government, com- 
pletely taken by surprise, was half out of its wits; and a new 
chancellor, Prince Max of Baden, was appointed. This change 
was made in accordance with the belief of the Foreign Office 
that only a 'democratic* government could successfully ap- 
proach President Wilson. Unfortunately the Social Democrats 
now made a serious blunder. They refused to enter a govern- 
ment in which the Conservative Party was represented a 
stipulation which was later, of course, to give that party a 
chance to throw all blame on the other groups. 

While the new chancellor was endeavoring to sound out the 
Allies, Ludendorff again intervened to say that at any moment 
the enemy might break through and that therefore a request 
for an armistice must be despatched immediately. The chan- 
cellor insisted that time was needed to negotiate acceptable 
terms, again Ludendorff countered, and thereupon the first 
armistice note was despatched to Wilson on October 3. Hin- 
denburg's letter describing the military situation, dated Sep- 
tember 29, attributed the crisis to the breakdown of the Mace- 
donian front and the inability to get troop replacements. When 
Walter Rathenau suggested, in the Vossische Zeitung, a levie en 
masse as the only way out, Ludendorff replied that this would 
do more harm than good. 


But after an exchange of notes between the State Depart- 
ment of the United States and the German government had 
shown that the only terms Wilson was willing to grant were 
harsh, Ludendorff changed his mind and declared that a levie 
m masse might be resorted to, after all. But the government 
now felt that the German people would not understand such a 
change of face, that a revolution was imminent, and that at- 
tempted resistance would only make matters worse. Luden- 
dorff handed in his resignation. He was succeeded by General 
Wilhelm Gr6ner, who saw at once that further resistance was 
out of the question. On November 8, the Kaiser was advised to 

It is, therefore, apparent that Ludendorff was sure the War 
had been lost before any revolutionary movement had broken 
out in Germany. This view is confirmed by all who, on the 
Allied side, knew the situation that existed between Septem- 
ber 29 and November 8. As a matter of fact, the American 
commanders were so certain that a triumphal march on to 
Berlin would cost relatively little that some of them accepted 
the armistice with bad grace. Marshal Foch has often been 
severely criticized (e.g., by General Mordacq) for the 'human- 
itarianism' which induced him to end the struggle before the 
German border was reached. German deficiencies in supplies, 
man-power, and armament were so marked that, despite the 
stubbornness with which picked troops defended themselves, 
any other outcome than the utter rout of the German army was 
unthinkable. In addition the collapse of Austria and the break- 
down of Bulgaria opened the way for an advance into southern 

The major reasons why Germany lost the War are seen as 
inherent in the nature of the political action she sponsored. 
On this virtually all non-German students are agreed. The 
only real military issues are these : whether a different handling 
of the battle of the Marne might not have led to the speedy 
defeat of France, and whether Ludendorff could have won the 
Flanders battles of 1918 if he had taken additional troops out 
of Russia. Neither query is answerable. But these facts con- 
cerning the political situation are established: the march 


through Belgium forced Britain to enter the War; the insistence 
upon unrestricted U-boat warfare in 1917 induced the United 
States to enter the conflict; and the harsh terms of the Treaty 
of Brest-Litovsk may have dissuaded (cf. The Forgotten Peacv, 
by John W. Wheeler-Bennett) President Wilson from trying to 
reach a peace with Germany on the basis of the 'Fourteen 
Points.* One may add a number of minor political misadven- 
tures: the fantastically mismanaged attempt to obtain Polish 
support by setting up a vassal kingdom of Poland; the murder 
of Edith Cavell ; the bombing of London ; the contemptuous at- 
titude adopted towards the Austrians; and the strange maneu- 
vers of Colonel von Papen in Washington. 

Those who deny the validity of these contentions and 
they include all Germans who cherish some fondness for the 
Pan-German program maintain that if so magnificent an 
army failed under such leadership to win the War, the reason 
can only lie within Germany itself. In essence, the credibility 
of such a view must be sought in the realm of idea rather than 
in that of fact. The Prussian war machine was created to be 
the ideally perfect instrument of national action. If everything 
that could render it in practice what it was in theory had been 
done, it could not have been defeated. For what is absolutely 
right in conception must also be absolutely right in practice. The 
realm of the real is only the logical counterpart of the realm 
of the ideal. This conception of the army of 1914 is at the back 
of many German minds; and a similar attitude of mind is at 
the bottom of the doubts entertained by many about the army 
of 1938. They would not argue that France has a poorer or 
better army than Germany's, but only that the German army 
has defects. 

Now what was wrong with the German instrument during 
the War? The answer is that, as a result of Marxist agitation, 
germs of sabotage were introduced into the German system 
which developed into veritable cancers; and that, as a conse- 
quence of the 'pacifism' which formed part of the normal 
bourgeois outlook, large sections of the public were victims of 
the dishonest alien propaganda dispensed by President Wilson 
ahd others. Evidence to support these contentions was ad- 


vanced on three important occasions during the history of the 
Weimar Republic; the controversy between Erzberger and 
Helfferich during 1919; the Magdeburg Trial of December, 
1924, when President Friederich Ebert defended himself against 
a reactionary journalist's assertions that he had committed 
high treason by helping to organize the Munitions Strike of 
1918; and the Munich 'Stab in the Back' Trial, conducted 
during October and November, 1925, at which leading Social 
Democrats were the plaintiffs. 

It is impossible to do more here than summarize very briefly 
the facts and surmisals then advanced. The charge against 
Erzberger was that by sponsoring the Peace Resolution of 1917, 
which disclaimed any desire by Germany to annex territory or 
to hold other peoples under economic tutelage, he had under- 
mined the belief of the German people in ultimate victory and 
therewith weakened their morale. President Ebert was ac- 
cused of having sought to end the War by depriving the army 
of needed munitions; and his enemies insisted that all along he 
and his fellow-Marxists had waited for the chance to spring at 
the throat of a fatherland left prostrate before the enemy. 
The Munich Trial was far more important because the whole 
question of Social Democratic attitudes during and immediately 
after the War was threshed out. Sensational testimony was 
offered by General Gr6ner and others. 

The Erzberger case may be dismissed; for though it was of 
great importance to the history of the Weimar Republic, it 
offers nothing to substantiate the 'stab in the back' theory. 
The Reichstag Resolution failed to affect the conduct of the 
War either at home or abroad, and nothing Erzberger did 
checked in the least either Ludendorff's dictatorial policy or the 
flan of the army. The second and third cases are more perti- 
nent. As a matter of fact, the Minority (Independent) So- 
cialists did refuse, as the War went on, to vote the necessary 
credits to continue the conflict; a few of them maintained rela- 
tions with dissatisfied sailors, who then provoked the mutiny 
of 1918 which halted the German navy's projected sensational 
last-minute attack on the British fleet; and a number were in- 
volved both in the Munitions Strike and in the revolutionary 


activities which led to open revolt in November. Moreover, 
the extreme Spartacist movement, which during the War pub- 
lished subversive literature and which afterward led to the 
establishment of the Communist Party, was led by former 
Socialists among whom Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg 
were the most important. 

It is therefore possible to say that opposition to the War did 
exist inside Germany, and that efforts were made to awaken in 
the masses a spirit of resistance to the Kaiser and the High 
Command. Liebknecht did obtain world-wide prominence for 
his pacifistic utterances, which no parliamentarian in any Al- 
lied country duplicated. Yet one notes immediately that the 
anti-war movement was utterly insignificant until late in 1918, 
when the half -starved population lost all hope of victory. The 
effects of the blockade were horrible and the physical health as 
well as the morale of Germany suffered greatly. When in 
history has a people been called upon to shoulder a heavier bur- 
den, and when has one responded to the summons with such 
astounding patience? 

Yet none of the agents of subversive activity helped to form 
the government of November, 1918. The men who undertook 
that difficult task knew exactly what they were doing. The 
Social Democrats had debated a long while before assenting to 
a suggestion that came from the High Command and the 
Foreign Office. Some of the ablest among them were certain 
that to accept responsibility under such circumstances would 
later on mean being charged with the defeat and its conse- 
quences. Ebert took up the Chancellor's duties on the basis of 
a secret understanding with the generals, as Groner explained 
at the Munich Trial. Neither he nor his fellows wanted the 
Revolution. The Republic was proclaimed, a little hastily, by 
Philip Scheidemann in order to forestall Liebknecht's declara- 
tion to the same effect. The Minority Socialists were, of course, 
far more pacifistic and revolutionary. Yet even the leading 
members of this group were stunned by the sudden collapse of 
the nation and were not prepared to deal with the situation 
thus created. 

The most serious blot on the national escutcheon was the 


mutiny in Wilhelmshaven on October 30. This was preceded by 
scattered instances of insubordination to some of which politi- 
cal intent was ascribed. Yet the situation was peculiar. 
Peace negotiations were under way; the abdication of the Kai- 
ser had been demanded ; and still the men were ordered to get 
ready for a sudden sortie which was virtual suicide. Therefore 
they had a certain right to assume that their own commanders 
were guilty of insubordination, and could justify their conduct 
accordingly. At any rate the navy had done its duty for four 
years; and to attribute Germany's loss of the War to their 
sabotage of a romantic and desperate maneuver is to strain 
credulity to the breaking point. 



AT THE end of November, 1918, I came back to 
Munich. I went again to join the reserve battalion 
of my regiment which was now in the hands of 
'Soldiers' Councils.' The entire business disgusted me to 
such a degree that I decided at once to go away again if 
possible. Together with my faithful war comrade, Schmiedt 
Ernst, I now came to Traunstein and remained there till 
the camp was broken up. 

In March, 1919, we again returned to Munich. 

Hitler, with no home to which to return he had been out 
of touch with his family for years walked to Munich, and 
arrived there shortly after the murder of Kurt Eisner, who had 
headed the revolution that had driven the Wittelsbachs from 
their thrones and had then up to the time of his assassina- 
tion by Count Arco- Valley been Prime Minister of Bavaria. 
Eisner, a Jew and not a native Bavarian, was an idealist who 
had been jailed during the War for writing pacifist tracts. The 
account of his reign reads like a fairy tale. Refusing to curb 
free speech or to put through any rash socialization measures, 
he set about attempting to prove to the Allies that Germany's 
workers fully acknowledged the guilt of the former Imperial 
government in starting the War and were therefore entitled to 


The situation was untenable and urged necessarily 
towards a further continuation of the Revolution. Eisner's 
death only hastened developments and led finally to the 
Soviet dictatorship, or, in other terms, to a temporary 
reign of the Jews as it had been originally intended by the 
originators of the whole revolution. 

In those days endless plans chased each other in my 
head. For days I pondered what could be done at all, but 
the end of all reflections was always the sober conclusion 

a just peace. In addition he proved himself a violent Bavarian 
particularist, and gave his government an artistic setting by 
staging festivals at which orchestral overtures preceded his 

The Eisner regime was succeeded by a Socialist government 
which in turn was driven out of Munich by a 'Soviet dictator- 
ship. 9 This did little except watch the various factions which 
comprised it fight one another. Just previously Sovietism had 
triumphed in Hungary; and not a few intellectuals were now of 
the opinion that the Russian idea was about to conquer the 
world. Several Moscow agents appeared in Munich, and two 
of them were Jewish. In addition a couple of unworldly Jew- 
ish poets, Ernst Toller and Gustav Landauer, joined the new 
movement. This extraordinary revolution, which the Munich 
citizenry welcomed as they would the plague, did irreparable 
damage to the cause of labor by murdering ten hostages, mem- 
bers of a Rightist secret society. In addition Jewish participa- 
tion in it opened the doors to anti-Semitic agitation. Angered 
and embittered citizens were now willing to ascribe all evils to 
the Hebrew race. Eisner's example had encouraged other 
dreamers to think that they, too, could renew the face of the 

Government troops were sent to restore order in Munich. 
They were joined by a number of volunteer military organiza- 
tions, and on May 2, 1919, took the city after a stiff fight. 
Frightful vengeance was taken. Some estimates place the num- 
ber of those shot with or without court-martial at more than a 


that I, as one without name, did not possess even the least 
presupposition for any useful activity. I will speak latei 
on of the reasons for which even then I could not make up 
my mind to join one of the existing parties. 

In the course of the Councils' Revolution I acted for the 
first time in a manner which invoked the displeasure of 
the Central Council. On April 27, 1919, early in the morn- 
ing, I was supposed to be arrested; but in facing the rifle 
I presented, the three fellows lacked the necessary courage 
and marched away in the same manner in which they had 

A few days after the liberation of Munich, I was sum- 
moned to join a commission for the examination of the 
events of the Revolution in the Second Infantry Regiment. 

This was my first more or less purely political activity. 

thousand. Poor Landauer was among those slain. Therewith 
Bavaria became what it had never previously been the most 
reactionary part of Germany. Inside its borders, Rightist 
rebels against the Republic, putschists and patriotic assassins 
found refuge. 

No doubt the major cause of the whole sad affair was the mur- 
der of Eisner. He was on his way to the Bavarian Landtag, and 
would there have turned over the government to the Majority 
Socialists, when he was felled; and some of his followers, not 
knowing what forces were responsible, committed other mur- 
ders that led to desperate and fateful strife between the factions 
which alone could govern. To Count Arco- Valley, whom he 
imprisoned in 1933, Hitler owes a debt he can never repay. 

The earliest reports concerning Hitler's political activities arc 
interesting. He was housed in barracks with a number of ' Red ' 
soldiers. When the army took the city, these barracks were 
seized, Hitler was first called aside, and then every tenth man 
was shot. The inference is that he was already in the service 
of the army. 


A few weeks later I was given orders to take part in a 
'course' which was being held for the members of the army. 
There the soldier was to receive certain foundations of 
civic education. For me the value of the whole performance 
lay in the fact that now I was given the possibility of be- 
coming acquainted with some comrades who were of the 
same conviction and with whom I would then be able to 
discuss thoroughly the situation of the moment. All of us 
were more or less firmly convinced that Germany could no 
longer be saved from the approaching collapse by the 
parties of the November crime, the Center Party and 
Social Democracy, but that even the so-called 'bourgeois 
national' formations would never be able to remedy this 
despite their best intentions. Here quite a series of assump- 
tions were lacking, without which such a task could not 
succeed. The time that followed proved our opinions of 
those days to be right. 

Thus in our small circle one discussed the formation of 
a new party. The basic ideas which we had in mind 
thereby were the same which were realized later on by the 
'German Workers' Party.' The name of the new move- 
ment to be founded was to offer, from the beginning, the 
possibility of approaching the great masses; for without 
these qualities the whole work seemed senseless and super- 
fluous. Therefore we arrived at the name 'Social-Revolu- 
tionary' Party; this for the reason that the social ideas of 
the new foundation indeed meant a revolution. 

He became one of the group of soldiers selected to receive in- 
struction in methods of 'political enlightenment.' Such courses 
were normal in many parts of Germany during the period of 
Reichswehr reorganization. Cf. Gen. L. R. G. Maercker, 
Vom Kaiserheer zur Reichswehr (From the Imperial Army to the 
Reich Army). Early biographers state that Hitler almost im- 
mediately attracted attention. 


But the deeper cause for this was found in the following: 

No matter how much I had occupied myself even previ- 
ously with economic problems, this had always remained 
more or less within the limits which resulted from consider- 
ing social questions in themselves. Only later this frame 
expanded in consequence of my examining the German 
policy of alliances. The latter was to a great extent the 
result of a wrong estimation of economics, as well as 
the confusion about the possible bases of a feeding of the 
German people in the future. But all these thoughts were 
still rooted in the opinion that capital in every case was 
only the result of labor and, therefore, like the latter, was 
subject to the correction of all those factors which are either 
able to stimulate or to hinder human activity. Therein 
was supposed to be found also the national importance of 
capital, as capital itself in turn was supposed to depend so 
entirely upon the greatness of the State's, that is, the 
nation's, liberty and power; that this relation alone was 
bound to lead to an advancement of the State and the 
nation on the part of capital out of the mere urge for self- 
preservation or increase. This dependency of capital upon 
the independent and free State forces it also in its turn to 
stand up for this freedom, power, strength, etc., of the 

Therefore, the State's task towards capital was com- 
paratively simple and clear: it had only to take care that 
the latter remained the servant of the State and did not 
pretend to be the master of the nation. This attitude, 
therefore, could confine itself within two borderlines: preser- 
vation of a prosperous national and independent economy 
on the one hand, securing social rights of workers on the 

In previous times I was not yet able to recognize the 
difference between this capital as purely the ultimate result 
of creative labor as compared with a capital the existence 


and nature of which rests exclusively on speculation. For 
this I lacked the first stimulation, for it had not come to me. 

This now was carried out thoroughly by one of the 
various gentlemen, lecturing in the course already men- 
tioned : Gottfried Feder. 

For the first time in my life I now heard a discussion, 
in principle, of the international exchange and loan capital. 

Immediately after I had listened to Feder's first lecture, 
the idea flashed through my mind that now at last I had 
found the way to one of the most essential principles for 
the foundation of a new party. 

In my eyes, Feder's merit was that he outlined, with 
ruthless brutality, the character of the stock exchange and 

Gottfried Feder, engineer born in Wtirzburg, was one of 
many persons moved by the disarray of post- War national 
economy to solve the monetary problem. In the United States 
he would doubtless have urged the coinage of silver at a ratio of 
32 to I. 'Breaking the slavery of interest is,' he declared, 'the 
steel axle round which everything turns.' The meaning is: 
instead of taking up loans when it needs money, the govern- 
ment should, when undertaking public works, issue treasury 
certificates of the same value as the value of the structures 
erected. Thus, for example, a gas plant would be worth, say, 
$1,000,000. This value the government could then transmute 
into certificates. Opponents pointed out that Feder erred in 
assuming that money in circulation was covered by real values 
inside the country. Feder's most elaborate exposition of the 
point, which he maintained was his most original contribution 
to Party doctrine, is contained in his Brechung der Zinsknecht- 
schaft. Goebbels' verdict on the book is interesting but un- 
translatable: 'Brcchcn muss dabei nur dcr, der diesen Unsinn 
lesen muss.' Other Nazis also attacked Feder, but the Party 
never officially repudiated him. After 1933, however, he was 


loan capital that was harmful to economy, and that he 
exposed the original and eternal presupposition of interest. 
His arguments were so correct in all fundamental questions 
that those who criticized them from the beginning denied 
less the theoretical correctness of the idea but rather the 
practical possibility of its execution. But what in the eyes 
of the others was a weakness of Feder's arguments was in 
my eyes their strength. 

fThe task of a program-maker is not to state the various 
degrees of a matter's realizability, but to demonstrate the 
matter as such ; that means, he has to care less for the way 
but more for the goal. Hereby an idea's correctness in 
principle is decisive and not the difficulty of its execution. 

relegated to a minor r&le. When Hitler began to make impor- 
tant friends, his adviser in financial matters became Dr. Paul 
Bang, an intimate friend of Dr. Hugenberg's and one of the 
directors of the Alldcutschcr Verband. After 1933 Dr. Hjalmar 
Schacht was installed as the official wizard, to be replaced in 
1938 by Walther Funk. 

The best brief commentary on the significance of these mat- 
ters for National Socialist propaganda we have seen was writ- 
ten by Alfred Braunthal for Die Gcsellschaft, Vol. VII, nr. 12. 
(Decomer 1930). 'The National Socialist movement has had 
two peaks the first half of 1924, and the fall of 1930. At both 
times there existed a peculiar economic situation. The first 
half of 1924 was the time when the stabilization crisis was at 
its worst. Interest rates were fantastically high in the money 
market. During January the rate was between 90 and 100 per 
cent, sinking then in July to "only " 20 per cent. At the same 
time, however, the Reichsbank discount rate was only 10 per 
cent. Thereupon everything depended upon whether one had 
good banking connections and could, by using these, get to the 
Reichsbank and its cheap credits. The life and death of an 
enterprise was in the hands of the bank. 


As soon as the program-maker tries to take into account the 
'useful reality* instead of absolute truth, his work will 
cease to be a pole star for inquiring mankind, becomes 
instead a prescription for everyday life. He who draws up 
the program of a movement has to fix its goal, the politician 
has to aim towards the fulfillment of the goal. Therefore, 
the one's thinking is governed by eternal truth, the other's 
activity more by practical reality of the moment. The 
greatness of the one is founded in the absolute and abstract 
correctness of his idea, that of the other in the right attitude 
towards given facts and their useful application, whereby 
the aim of the program-maker has to serve as his leading 
star. While a politician's plans and acts that means their 
becoming reality may be looked upon as the touchstone 
for his importance, the program-maker's ultimate intention 
can never be realized, as the human mind is well able to 
grasp facts of truth and to establish crystal-clear goals, 
but their complete execution will necessarily fail because 
of the general human incompleteness and inadequacy. The 
more abstractly right and therefore powerful this idea 
may be, the more impossible remains its complete fulfill- 
ment as long as it depends on human beings. Therefore 
the program-maker's importance must not be measured by 

'In 1930 also the interest rates for long-term credits were, 
despite the depression, almost as high as they had been during 
the boom period (when the rates were unduly high even for 
such times). And again the Reichsbank discount rates were 
much lower. Therefore the producers of consumers' goods and 
the merchants (by reason of their inventories) suffered under 
the heaviest interest burden, in relation to the general economic 
situation, during 1924 and 1930. The middle classes naturally 
felt it most, since its members could less easily find the way to 
the sources of credit. For this reason the middle classes turned 
with pleasure in such periods to a movement which promised to 
"break the slavery of interest." ' 


the fulfillment of his aims, but rather by their correctness 
and the influence which they have taken on in the develop- 
ment of mankind. If it were different, one could not count 
the founders of religions among the greatest men on this 
earth, since the fulfillment of their ethical intentions can 
never be even a nearly complete one. Even the religion of 
love, in its effects, is only a weak reflection of the volition 
of its sublime founder; but its importance is to be sought in 
the orientation which it tried to give to a cultural, ethical, 
and moral development in general. 

The extremely great difference in the tasks of the pro- 
gram-maker and the politician is also the reason why a 
combination of both in one person is almost never to be 
found. This may be said especially of the so-called ' success- 
ful ' small politicians whose activity is for the most part only 
an 'art of the possible 9 as Bismarck described, somewhat 
modestly, politics in general. The freer such a 'politician* 
keeps himself from great ideas, the easier and frequently 
also the more visible, yet always faster, will his successes be. 
Of course, they are thereby also subject to worldly evanes- 
cence and sometimes they do not outlive the death of their 
fathers. The work of such politicians is, on the whole, un- 
important for posterity, since their successes in the present 
are based only on warding off all really great and incisive 
problems and ideas, which as such would also have been of 
value for coming generations. 

The execution of such aims as are of value and importance 
for the distant future brings little reward to him who de- 
fends them and finds little understanding with the great 
masses who, at the first, understand enactments concerning 
beer and milk better than farseeing plans for the future, the 
execution of which could arrive only later on, but the use- 
fulness of which would be of value only to posterity. 

Thus, out of a certain vanity which is always a relative 
of stupidity, the great mass of all politicians will keep away 


from all really difficult plans for the future, in order not to 
lose the sympathy of the mob of the present. The success 
and the importance of such politicians are to be found, 
therefore, exclusively in the present and they do not exist 
for posterity. For little minds this is not embarrassing ; they 
are content with this. 

With the program-maker the situation is different. His 
importance lies always almost exclusively in the future, as 
not infrequently he is what is described by the words 'se- 
cluded from the world.' For, if the politician's art may be 
looked upon really as an art of the possible, then the pro- 
gram-maker may be counted among those of whom it is 
said that the gods like them only if they ask for, and desire, 
the impossible. Nearly always he will have to renounce 
the recognition of the present, but in turn he will harvest, 
provided his ideas are immortal, the fame of posterity. 

During long periods of human life it thus may sometime 
happen that the politician unites with the program-maker. 
But the closer this amalgamation is, the greater are the 
obstacles which resist the politician's work. Then he works 
no longer for the requirements which are clear to any philis- 
tine, but for aims which are understood only by few. There- 
fore his life is torn between love and hate. The protest of 
the present, which does not understand this man, wrestles 
with the acknowledgment of posterity for which, after all, 
he works. 

For the greater a man's works for the future are, the less 
is the present able to understand them, and the more diffi- 
cult also is the fight and the more rare the success. But if, 
nevertheless, in the course of centuries one man succeeds in 
this, then he may perhaps, in his later years, be surrounded 
by a faint glimmer of the coming glory. But these great 
ones are only the marathon runners of history; the laurel 
wreath of the present only just touches the temples of the 
dying hero. 


But among them must be counted the great fighters in 
this world, those who, although not understood by their 
time, are nevertheless ready to fight the battle for their ideas 
and ideals. They are those who once will be nearest to the 
heart of the people; it almost seems as though everyone 
would then feel it his duty now to make good in the present 
what the past had once sinned against the great. Their 
life and work is followed in touchingly grateful admiration, 
and especially in gloomy days, it will be able to uplift 
broken hearts and despairing souls. 

These, however, are not only the really great statesmen, 
but also all other great reformers. Side by side with Fred- 
erick the Great stands a Martin Luther as well as a Richard 
Wagner. < 

When listening to Gottfried Feder's first lecture about the 
* Breaking of the Tyranny of Interest,' I knew immediately 
that the question involved was a theoretical truth which 
would reach enormous importance for the German people's 
future. The sharp separation of the stock exchange capital 
from the national economy offered the possibility of fighting 
the internationalization of German economic life, without 
threatening with the fight against capital in general, also 
the > l>asis of an independent folk autonomy. Germany's de- 
velopment already stood before my eyes too clearly for me 
not to know that the hardest battle had to be fought, not 
against hostile nations, but rather against international cap- 
ital. In Feder's lecture I sensed a powerful slogan for this 
coming fight. 

But here, too, the later development proved how correct 
our feeling of those days was. Today we are no longer 
laughed at by the sly-boots of our bourgeois politicians; 
today even they, provided they are not conscious liars, see 
that the international stock exchange capital was not only 
the great instigator of war, but that just now, after the 
fight has been ended, it does not refrain from turning peace 
into hell. 


The fight against international finance and loan capital 
has become the most important point in the program of the 
German nation's fight for its independence and freedom. 

But as regards the objections of the so-called 'practi- 
cians/ one can give the following answer: all your fears 
about the terrible economic consequences of carrying out 
the 'breaking of the tyranny of interest' are superfluous; 
because, first of all, the prescriptions you gave the German 
people so far have not done it any good at all; your attitude 
towards the questions of national autonomy remind us very 
much of the reports of similar experts of times past, for 
example of the Bavarian Medical Board on occasion of the 
question of introducing the railroads; it is well known that 
all the fears of this venerable corporation of those days were 
never justified; the passengers in the trains of the new 
'steam horse' did not become dizzy, the spectators, too, 
were not taken ill, and one abandoned the wooden fences 
for making the new institution invisible; only the wooden 
fence in the head of all the so-called 'experts' was preserved 
for posterity. 

Secondly, however, one should remember the following: 
every and even the best idea becomes a danger as soon as it 
pretends to be an end in itself, but in reality only represents 
a means to an end; but for myself and all true National 
Socialists there is only one doctrine: people and country. 

What we have to fight for is the security of the existence and 

The meaning of 'international capital' at this time was 
'capitalistic England. 1 Party philosophers saw in perfidious 
Albion a spider in a counting-house. With the help of smaller 
Jewish spiders, it had enmeshed Germany in its net and de- 
voured it. France was looked upon as a mere tool in the hands 
of the London 'City.' Gradually the term took on other mean- 
ings: the authors of the Dawes and Young Plans, investors in 
German bonds, and great speculators like Ivan Kreuger. 


the increase of our race and our people, the nourishment of its 
children and the preservation of the purity of the blood, the free- 
dom and independence of the fatherland in order to enable our 
people to mature for the fulfillment of the mission which the 
Creator of the universe has allotted also to them. 

Every thought and every idea, every doctrine and all 
knowledge, have to serve this purpose. From this point of 
view everything has to be examined and to be employed or 
to be rejected according to its usefulness. Thus no theory 
can stiffen into a mortal doctrine, since everything serves 
only for life. 

Gottfried Feder's conclusions, however, were the cause 
which made me occupy myself thoroughly with this domain 
which had hitherto been little familiar to me. 

Now I began to learn again, and now for the first time I 
came to the understanding of the contents and the meaning 
of the life-work of the Jew Karl Marx. Only now his ' Cap- 
ital f became really comprehensible to me, as well as Social 
Democracy's fight against the national economy, the aim of 
which is to prepare the ground for its domination of the 
truly international finance and stock exchange capital. 

But these courses had the greatest effective consequence 
in still another direction. 

One day I wanted to speak in the discussion. One of the 
participants thought it his duty to enter the lists for the 
Jews, and he began to defend them in lengthy arguments. 
This aroused me to reply. An overwhelming number of the 
pupils who were present were of my point of view. The 
result was that a few days later I was ordered to report to 
one of the erstwhile Munich regiments as a so-called 'in- 
struction officer.' 

In those days the discipline among the troops was still 
rather weak. It suffered from the after-effects of the period 


of Soldiers' Councils. Only very slowly and cautiously 
could one change over to introducing, instead of the 'volun- 
tary' obedience as one so nicely named the pigsty under 
the rule of Kurt Eisner military discipline and subordi- 
nation. In the same way the unit was now to learn to feel 
and to think in terms of nation and fatherland. In these 
two directions lay the domains of my new activity. 

I started full of ambition and love. For thus I was at 
once offered the opportunity to speak before a large audi- 
ence; and what previously I had always presumed, merely 
out of pure feeling without knowing it, occurred now: I 
could 'speak.' My voice also had already improved so 
much that I could be heard sufficiently at least in the small 
squad rooms. 

No other task could make me happier than this one, 
because now I was able, even before my discharge, to render 
useful services to that institution which had been infinitely 
near to my heart, the army. 

Also, I could speak of some success. 

I thus led back many hundreds, probably even thousands, 
in the course of my lectures to their people and fatherland. 
I 'nationalized' the troops, and in this way I was able also 
to help to strengthen the general discipline. 

Again I became thereby acquainted with a number of 
comrades with the same convictions who later began to 
form the basic stock of the new movement. 


ONE day I received orders from my headquarters to 
find out what was behind an apparently political 
society which, under the name of ' German Workers' 
Party,' intended to hold a meeting on one of the following 
days, in which also Gottfried Feder was supposed to speak; 
I was to go there and to look at the society and to report 
upon it. 

One could easily understand the curiosity which in those 
days the army showed towards political parties. Revolu- 
tion had bestowed the right of political activity on the sol- 
dier, and now those of them who were least experienced 
made ample use of it. Only in the moment when the Center 
Party and Social Democracy had to realize, to their regret, 
that the soldiers' sympathy began to turn away from the 
revolutionary parties towards the national movement and 
resurrection, one saw fit to deprive the soldiers again of the 
right of franchise and to forbid political activity. 

It was, therefore, clear that the Center Party and Marx- 
ism took up this measure, for, if one had not undertaken 
this curtailment of 'civil rights' (as one called the political 
equality of the soldier before the Revolution), there would 
have been no revolution a few years later, and therefore 
also no further national degradation and dishonor. In 


those days the troops were well on the way towards reliev- 
ing the nation of its bloodsuckers and the Entente's handy- 
men in the interior. That now also the so-called 'national 9 
parties voted enthusiastically for the correction of the pre- 
vious opinions of the November criminals, and thus helped 
to render innocuous the instrument of the national rising, 
only shows where the purely doctrinary ideas of these most 
harmless of the harmless could lead to. The bourgeoisie, 
which was really suffering from mental senility, was, in all 
sincerity, of the opinion that now the army would again 
become what it had been, namely, a stronghold of German 
fighting power, while Center and Marxism thought only to 
break out its dangerous national poisonous fang, without 
which, however, an army will forever remain only 'police/ 
but will not be a 'troop' able to fight against the foreign 
enemy; something that later on was amply proved. 

Or did perhaps our ' national politicians ' believe that the 
army's development could be other than national? That 
really would be just like them. But this is the consequence 
of the fact that, instead of being a soldier in the War, one 
is a babbler, that means a parliamentarian, and that one 
has no idea what goes on in the minds of men who are 
reminded by the most glorious past that they were once the 
first soldiers of the world. 

Thus I decided to go to the abovementioned meeting of 
that party which was until then still entirely unknown to 

When in the evening I entered the 'Leiber' room which 
later on was to become of historical importance for us, of 
the former Sterneckerbrau in Munich, I met there about 
twenty to twenty-five people, chiefly from among the lower 
walks of life. 

Feder's lecture was already familiar to me from the 
courses, and therefore I could devote myself to looking at 
the assembly proper. 


Its impression on me was neither good nor bad; a new 
foundation like so many others. It was the time when every- 
one who was dissatisfied with the development things had 
taken so far, and who no longer had confidence in the 
existing parties, felt called upon to launch a new party. 
Thus such societies sprang up everywhere, only to disap- 
pear again silently after some time. The founders, in most 
cases, had no idea what it means to develop a society into 
a party or even into a movement. Thus these foundations 
nearly always suffocated in their ridiculous bourgeois at- 

After listening for about two hours I did not judge the 
4 German Workers' Party ' from any different point of view. 
I was glad when Feder finally finished. I had seen enough 
and was just about to go when the open discussion, which 

In Bavaria after the War strong groups, particularly among 
the peasants, came to the conclusion that Germany was ir- 
retrievably lost, and that the sole hope was to erect a Bavarian 
State, larger, if possible, than the Bavaria of pre-iSyo days. It 
was also believed that if such a State were formed, it would be 
granted concessions in the matter of reparations. The chief 
protagonist of these ideas was Dr. Georg Heim, a Center Party 
politician with a great following among the peasants. He 
sounded out President Wilson on the probable attitude of the 
Allies towards a separate Bavaria, and made a considerable 
effort to persuade Austria the Tyrol in particular to 
join the projected State. Nothing came of it, first of all because 
the Crown Prince kept aloof. But the agitation did have one 
consequence of fateful import the separation of the Bavarian 
People's Party from the Center Party, and therewith the weak- 
ening of the position of Catholics in the Reich as a whole. la 
the initial appeal issued by the sundered group, it was pro- 
claimed that Germany was only a 'uniting of the German 
States on a federal basis,' that any Constitution adopted by the 
nation as a whole would need ratification by the separate 


was announced at that moment, made me decide to stay 
after all. But here also everything seemed to take an unim- 
portant course, till suddenly a 'professor' was given the 
floor who first expressed doubts of the correctness of Feder's 
reasons, and then, after the latter had replied very ably, 
planted himself on the ground of ' facts,' not without recom- 
mending, however, to the young party to take up the 
'severance' of Bavaria from 'Prussia' as an especially im- 
portant point of the party program. The man had the 
cheek to pretend that, in that case, German Austria espe- 
cially would immediately link itself to Bavaria, and that 
then the peace would be a far better one, and other similar 
nonsense. Thereupon I could not help but announce my 
intention to speak, in order to give this learned man my 
opinion on this point, with the result that the gentleman 
who had just spoken left the scene like a drenched poodle, 
even before I had finished.f When I spoke they had listened 
with astonished faces, and only when I was about to say 
good-night to the assembly, a man came running after me, 
introduced himself (I even did not understand his name, 
correctly), and handed me a small booklet, obviously a 
political pamphlet, with the urgent request that I read 
this by all means. 
This was very agreeable to me, for now I could hope that 

States, and that Bavaria would join the Reich only on the con- 
dition that the especial political, cultural, and economic rights 
to which it was entitled were respected 'in constitutional law.' 
It was a spokesman for this point of view whom Hitler ha- 
rangues out of the meeting like a 'drenched poodle.' 

Hitler had now proved that he could 'orate* as effectively as 
Feder and the other instructors appointed by his military 
superiors, one of whom a Captain Mayr later on joined 
the Social Democratic Party and the military organization (the 
Rcichsbanncr) associated with it. 


perhaps in this way I could become acquainted with this 
boring society in an easier manner, without being forced 
again to attend such interesting meetings. For the rest, 
this man who was apparently a worker, had made a good 
impression on me. With this now I went away. 

In those days I still lived in the barracks of the Second 
Infantry Regiment, in a tiny room which still showed very 
clearly the traces of the Revolution. During the day I was 
out, mostly with the Rifle Regiment 4, or at meetings or 
lectures with some other army unit, etc. Only at night I 
slept in my quarters. As I used to wake up in the morning 
before five o'clock, I had gotten into the habit of throwing 
pieces of bread or hard crusts to the little mice which spent 
their time in the small room, and then to watch these droll 
little animals romp and scuffle for these few delicacies. I 
had already known so much misery during my lifetime that 
I was able to imagine only too well the hunger, and there- 
fore also the pleasure, of the little things. 

On the morning after this meeting, towards five o'clock, 
I was lying awake in my cot and looking at this bustle and 
activity. Since I could not go to sleep again, I suddenly 
thought of the previous evening, and now I remembered the 
booklet which the worker had given to me. And so I began 

3 The author of this pamphlet was Anton Drexler, a simple and 
sickly man who had been declared unfit for military service. A 
few copies of the brochure have been preserved. Its principal 
argument was that the German worker must turn, if he hoped 
for a decent livelihood, from internationalism to nationalism. 
If he remained addicted to the first, he would forever be gouged 
by a hostile international finance. During the War Drexler had 
joined the Vaterlandspartei and so expressed his disapproval 
of the Reichstag Peace Resolution of 1917. He called his first 
unit * Freier Arbeiterauschuss fuer einen guten Frieden* (Com- 
mittee of Free Workers for a Good Peace) ; and after the War he 


to read. It was a little pamphlet in which the author, this 
particular worker, described how, out of the medley of 
Marxist and unionist phrases, he again arrived at thinking 
in national terms; this explained the title, 'My Political 
Awakening/ Once I had started, I read the entire little 
document with interest; for in it an event was reflected 
which I had gone through personally in a similar way 
twelve years ago. Involuntarily I saw thus my own devel- 
opment come to life again before my eyes.-^ In the course 
of the day I thought about it several times and was finally 
just about to put it away when, less than a week later, to 
my astonishment, I received a postcard with the news that 
I had been accepted as a member of the ' German Workers' 
Party'; I was requested to express my opinion about this, 
and for that purpose I was expected to come to a committee 
meeting of the party on the following Wednesday. 

I was actually more than astonished at this manner of 
'winning' members, and I did not know whether to be an- 
noyed or to laugh at it. I had no intention of joining a 

changed the name to 'Deutsche Arbeiterpartei' (German Work- 
ers' Party). A few similar groups sprang up here and there in 
Germany, advocating a Socialistic program to be realized out- 
side the Marxist sphere because internationalism had failed. 
The most famous exponent of this point of view in North Ger- 
many was to be August Winnig. 

The chairman of the German Workers' Party was Karl 
Harrer, a journalist who almost from the beginning took a dis- 
like to Hitler. He was opposed to violent anti-Semitism (as 
were the majority of Germans in that time), and he was not a 
man to wield the bayonet too ferociously. A year went by be- 
fore the recalcitrant Harrer could be ousted from his position. 
In retrospect the historian must conclude: at that time the 
question was not merely whether Hitler would join the Party 
but whether the Party would have Hitler. 


ready-made party, but wished to found a party of my own. 
This unreasonable demand was really out of the question 
for me. 

I was just about to send the gentlemen my written reply, 
when curiosity gained the upper hand and I decided to 
appear on the day fixed in order to define my reasons orally. 

Wednesday arrived. The restaurant in which the said 
meeting was to take place was the Alte Rosenbad in the 
Herrenstrasse; a very poor restaurant, to which only once 
in a blue moon somebody seemed to find his way by mis- 
take. This was not surprising in the year 1919, when the 
menus of even the larger restaurants were able to attract 
customers but very modestly and poorly. But until then 
I had not known this inn at all. 

I passed through the sparsely lit guestroom where not 
a soul was present, looked for the door to the adjoining 
room, and then I was face to face with the 'meeting. 9 In 
the twilight of a half-demolished gas lamp four young 
people were sitting at a table, among them also the author 
of the little booklet, who immediately greeted me in the 
most friendly terms and welcomed me as a new member of 
the 'German Workers' Party.' 

Now I was somewhat taken aback. As I was informed 
that the actual ' Chairman for the organization in the Reich ' 
was still to come, I intended holding back my explanation. 
The latter finally appeared. He was the chairman of the 
meeting in the SterneckerbrSu on the occasion of Feder's 

Meanwhile my curiosity was again aroused and I was full 
of expectation for the things to come. Now I finally learned 
the names of the various gentlemen. The chairman of the 
'organization in the Reich' was a Herr Harrer, that of the 
Munich district, Anton Drexler. 

Now the minutes of the last session were read, and the 
confidence of the assembly was expressed to the secretary t 


Next followed the treasury report (there were all in all 
7 Marks and 50 Pfennings in the possession of the party), 
for which the assurance of the general confidence was ex- 
pressed to the treasurer. Now this again was put down in 
the minutes. Then followed the First Chairman's reading 
of the answers to a letter from Kiel to one from Diisseldorf 
and to one from Berlin; everybody agreed to them. Now 
the documents received were read : a letter from Berlin, one 
from Diisseldorf, and one from Kiel, the arrival of which 
seemed to be accepted with great satisfaction. One ex- 
plained this growing correspondence as the best and most 
visible symptom of the spreading importance of the 'Ger- 
man Workers ' Party.' Then a lengthy discussion about the 
answers to be made took place. 

Terrible, terrible; this was club-making of the worst kind 
and manner. And this club I now was to join? 

Then the new memberships were discussed, that means, 
my being caught. 

Now I began to ask questions. Apart from a few leading 
principles, nothing existed; no party program, no leaflets, 
nothing in print at all, no membership cards, not even a 
miserable rubber stamp; only visibly good faith and good 

My smile had disappeared again, for what was all this 
but the typical symptom of utter helplessness and complete 
despair covering all previous parties, their programs, their 
intentions and their activities? What made these four 
young people come together to an outwardly so ridiculous 
activity was actually only the expression of their inner 
voice which, emotionally rather than consciously, made all 
the previous doings of parties appear as no longer suitable 
for a rise of the German nation as well as for the healing of 
its internal damages. I quickly read through the leading 
principles which were available in a typed copy, and in 
them I saw a seeking rather than knowledge. Many tilings 


*rere dim or uncertain, many things were missing, but 
nothing was there which in its turn could not be looked upon 
as a symptom of struggling toward realization. 

I, too, knew what these people felt; it was the longing for 
a new movement which was to be more than a party in the 
previous sense of the word. 

When I went home to the barracks on that evening, I 
had already formed my opinion of this society. 

Now I was faced by perhaps the most serious question of 
my life: was I to join or was I to refuse? 

My reason could only advise me to refuse, but my feeling 
would not let me find peace, and the more often I tried to 
keep the absurdity of this entire club before my eyes, the 
more often did feeling speak in favor of it. 

In the days that followed I was restless. 

I began to ponder about the pros and cons. I had long 
since made up my mind to take up political activity; that 
this could be only in a new movement was also clear to me, 
so far only the instigation for action had not come. I do 
not belong to those who start something one day in order to 
end it again the next day or to change over, if possible, to 
another affair. But this very conviction was the chief rea- 
son, among others, why it was so difficult for me to make up 
my mind to found such a movement. I knew that for me 
this would mean a decision forever, where there would 
never be a 'turn back.' For me it was not a temporary 
game, but dead earnest. Even in those days I had always 
had an instinctive aversion to people who start something 
without, however, also carrying it out; 1 loathed these 
jacks-of-all-trades. I considered the activity of these people 
worse than doing nothing. 

This opinion, however, was one of the chief reasons why 
I was not able, like perhaps so many others, to decide to 
found something which either was to become everything 
or which else, more suitably, should not be carried out 


Now Fate itself seemed to give me a hint. I should never 
have joined one of the existing parties, and later on I will 
state the reasons for this; for this reason, however, this 
ridiculously small foundation with its handful of members 
seemed to me to have the advantage that it had not yet 
hardened into an 'organization/ but seemed to offer to the 
individual the chance for real personal activity. For this 
was the advantage which was bound to result: here one 
would still be able to work, and the smaller the movement 
was, the easier it would be to bring it into the right shape. 
Here the contents, the goal, and the way could still be 
fixed, something that with the existing great parties was 
impossible from the beginning. 

The longer I tried to think about it, the more the con- 
viction grew in my mind that just here, out of such a small 
movement, some day the rise of the nation could be pre- 
pared, but never from the political parliamentarian parties 
which clung much too much to the old ideas or even shared 
the advantages of the new regime. For what was to be 
announced now was a new view of life and not a new elec- 
tion slogan. 

t However, it was an infinitely hard decision to wish to 
transform this intention into reality. 

What prerequisites did I myself bring to this task? 

That I had no means and was poor seemed to me the 
most easily endurable, but it was more difficult that I sim- 
ply belonged to the great crowd of nameless people, that I 
was one among the millions who are allowed to continue to 
live by sheer accident, or who are called from life again 
without even their surroundings condescending to take 
notice of it. To this came the difficulty which was bound 
to result from my lack of schools. 

The so-called 'intelligentsia 9 at any rate looks down with 
really infinite condescension on everyone who has not been 
pulled through the obligatory schools in order to have the 


necessary knowledge pumped into his brains. Actually, the 
question is never, What can this man do, but what has he 
learned? To these 'educated' ones the greatest empty- 
head, provided he is only wrapped in a sufficient number of 
certificates, is worth more than even the most clever boy 
who does not possess these priceless paper bags. I was able 
to imagine in what way this 'educated' world would con- 
front me, and in that I was wrong only in so far as in those 
days I still believed people to be better than they unfor- 
tunately are, for the greater part, in sober reality. This, of 
course, as everywhere else, lights up the exceptions much 
more brightly. Thus I learned to distinguish all the more 
between the eternal ' pupils ' and the really competent. < 

After two days of agonized pondering and reflection I 
finally arrived at the decision to take the step. 

It was the most decisive decision of my life. 

There could not, and must not, be a retreat. 

Thus I registered as a member of the German Workers' 
Party and received a provisional membership ticket with 
the number seven. 


E depth of the fall of a body is always the measure 
for the distance of its momentary situation from the 
one it had originally. The same may also be said of 
the fall of nations and States. With this, however, a deci- 
sive significance must be attributed to the previous situation 
or rather height. Only that which usually rises above the 
general level can also fall or tumble visibly deep. This 
makes the collapse of the Reich so serious and terrible for 
every thinking and feeling man, that it brought the fall 
from a height hardly still imaginable in the face of the mis- 
ery of the present degradation. 

Even the very foundation of the Reich seemed to be 
gilded by the charm of an event that elated the entire na- 
tion. After an incomparably victorious course there arises 
finally, as the reward for immortal heroism, a Reich for the 
sons and the grandsons. Whether consciously or uncon- 
sciously, it makes no difference, all the Germans had the 
feeling that this Reich, which did not owe its existence to 
the cheating of parliamentary factions, stood out over the 
measure of other States solely by the sublime manner of 
its foundation; for, not in the cackling of parliamentary 
word battles, but under the thundering and roaring of the 
Parisian blockade front took place the solemn act of the 


manifestation of the will, that the Germans, lords and 
people, were determined to form one realm in the future 
and again to elevate the imperial crown as a symbol; not 
with assassination had this been carried out, not deserters 
and duty-shirkers were the founders of the State of Bis- 
marck, but the regiments of the front. 

This unique birth and baptism of fire alone wove around 
the Reich a glimmer of historic fame, such as was but 
rarely the lot of the oldest States. 

And what a rise now set in! 

The freedom towards the exterior gave the daily bread 
to the interior. The nation became rich in numbers and 
worldly goods. The honor of the State, however, and with 
it that of the entire people, was guarded and protected by 
an army which most visibly showed the difference from the 
one-time German Union. 

So deep is the fall which hits the Reich and the German 
people that at first everybody, as if seized with dizziness, 
seems to have lost feeling and consciousness; one can 
hardly remember the previous height, so dreamlike and 
unreal appears, measured by the misery of the present, the 
greatness and splendor of that time. 

Thus it may also be explained that one is only too 
blinded by the sublime, and thereby forgets to look for the 
omens of the enormous collapse which certainly must have 
somewhere been present. 

This may be said, of course, only of those for whom Ger- 
many was more than a mere dwelling-place for making and 
spending money, as only they are able to experience the 
present condition as a breakdown, while to the others it is 
the fulfillment of their hitherto unsatisfied wishes, long 
desired. ^4- 

These omens, however, were visibly present at that time, 
though only very few tried to draw a certain lesson from 


Today this is more necessary than ever. 

Just as one is only able to arrive at the cure of an illness 
if the cause of it is known, the same may be said also as 
regards curing political evils. Of course, one usually sees 
and recognizes the outward form of an illness, the symp- 
toms that catch the eye, more easily than its inner cause. 
This is also the reason why so many people never go beyond 
the discovery of outward symptoms and therefore even 
confuse the symptoms with the cause, nay, even preferably 
try to deny the presence of such a cause altogether. There- 
fore also, most of us primarily see the German collapse only 
as a result of the general economic distress and its conse- 
quences. Almost everyone, however, has to share in carry- 
ing the burden of this distress, so that here is found a cogent 
reason for every single individual to understand the catas- 
trophe. But the great masses see far less the collapse in the 
political, cultural, and ethical-moral direction, etc. Here, 
feeling and also reason fail completely with many people. 

That this is so with the great masses may be allowable, 
but that also in the circles of the intelligentsia the German 
collapse is looked upon primarily as an 'economic catas- 
trophe,' and that therefore the cure is expected to come 
from economy, is one of the reasons why so far recovery has 
been impossible. Only if one realizes that here, too, econ- 

Criticism of the so-called 'business enterprise State* i.e., 
the State which looks upon economic enterprise as the chief 
source of riches and therefore of well-being was a favorite 
topic of post-War Rightist literature. Oswald Spengler held 
that the basis structure of modern society is national and politi- 
cal, so that industry depends upon its fundament, the State. 
On the other hand, it is independent in the sense that leader- 
ship must be developed inside the industry itself. Hence the 
necessity for personal leadership and initiative. (Cf . Neubau 


erniy is only of second or even third importance, but that 
political, ethical-moral, as well as factors of blood and race, 
are of the first importance, then one will strive at an under- 
standing of the causes of the present misfortune, and with 
it, one will be able to find means and ways to recovery. 

The quest for the causes of the German collapse is there- 
fore of decisive importance, above all for a political move- 
ment, the very goal of which is to be the conquest of the 

But also with such research into the past one has to guard 
very much against confusing the effects, which more surely 
catch the eye, with the less visible causes. 

The easiest and therefore also the most widespread ex- 
planation of today's misfortune is that the consequences 
involved are those of the lost war, and that therefore the 
latter is the cause of the present evil. 

Now there may be many who will seriously believe this 
nonsense, but there are many more out of whose mouths 
such an explanation can only be a lie and conscious un- 
truth. This may be said of all those who today have their 
place at the government's mangers. For, did not once the 
very announcers of the Revolution most urgently point 
out, again and again to the people, that for the great masses 
it would make no difference whatsoever how this war 

Oddly enough this is virtually the same reasoning to which 
the Majority Socialists resorted during the War in order to at- 
tack Minority Socialists who maintained that the worker had 
no interest in the struggle, and that therefore his party was not 
justified in supporting the government either by voting credits 
or by rendering patriotic service. Scheidemann, David, and 
Ebert maintained that if Germany did not defend herself to 
the utmost of her ability, German industry would lose its 
markets and therewith its ability to pay wages. But they all 
repudiated ware of conquest. 


would end? Have they not, on the contrary, asserted most 
seriously that at the utmost only the ' great capitalist 9 
could have any interest in the victorious end of this colossal 
wrestling of nations, but never the German people itself, or 
even the German worker? Indeed, on the contrary, did not 
these apostles of world reconciliation assert 'militarism' 
could only be destroyed by the German defeat, but that the 
German people would celebrate its most glorious resur- 
rection? Did one not praise in these circles the benevo- 
lence of the Entente, and did one not charge Germany with 
the entire guilt of bloody struggle? But would one have 
been able to do so without the explanation that even defeat 
would have no special consequences for the nation? Was 
not the entire Revolution trimmed with the phrase that 
through it the victory of the German flag would be pre- 
vented, and that thereby the German people would face all 
the more its inner and outer freedom? 

Was this perhaps not so, you miserable and lying fel- 

It really takes a truly Jewish impudence to attribute the 
cause of the collapse to the military defeat, while the cen- 
tral organ of all traitors of nations, the Vorwaerts of Berlin, 
wrote nevertheless that this time the German people would 
not be allowed to bring its flags home with victory! 

And this is now supposed to be the cause of our collapse? 

It would naturally be quite useless to quarrel with such 
forgetful liars, and therefore I would also not waste one 
word about it, if unfortunately this nonsense were not 
repeated parrot-like by so many entirely thoughtless 
people, without that maliciousness or conscious untruth- 
fulness that would give the cause for this. But, further- 
more, these explanations are intended to be helpful to our 
fighters for enlightenment, which is very necessary anyhow 
in a time when the spoken word is usually twisted in one's 
very mouth. 


Thus in reply to the statement that the lost war is guilty 
of the German collapse, the following is to be said : 

The loss of the War was certainly of terrible importance 
to the future of our fatherland, but this loss is not a cause, 
but, in turn, again only a consequence of other causes. That 
an unfortunate end of this fight for life and death was 
bound to lead to very disastrous consequences was cer- 
tainly entirely clear to every sensible and not malicious 
person, but unfortunately there were also those whose 
intelligence seemed to be lacking at the right time, or who, 
contrary to their better knowledge, nevertheless first dis- 
puted and denied this truth; these were for the greater part 
those who, after the realization of their secret wish, now 
suddenly receive the belated realization of the catastrophe 
which they helped to bring about. They, therefore, are the 
culprits of the collapse, and not the lost war, as it now 

This passage is first of all a defense of General Ludendorfl 
and of the dictatorship he exercised during the War. The 
argument is characteristic. Unfortunately the Pan-German 
element had to concede that the sacrifices of four years had 
been in vain ; and it determined now to fight down the popular 
feeling that war itself, as an instrument of national policy, had 
been repudiated. Therefore the argument that peace is the 
most effective solvent of national greatness re-appears in a 
thousand forms. Nevertheless relatively few Nazis have ven- 
tured to assert that war itself is good. Normally they shrink a 
little from drawing all the conclusions latent in Spengler's 
phrase, ' Man is a beast of prey.' What they generally advo- 
cate is an army ideally perfect, so that Germany may impose 
its peace upon the world without the shedding of blood. For as 
Houston Stewart Chamberlain said during the War, only the 
German word for peace Friede expresses what the world 
needs, a Masting realm of love and tenderness' (a kind of ex- 
tension of the last act of Tristan und Isolde). The French word 
Paix stands for nothing except a pact, a treaty. Hitler 


pleases them to say and to believe. For the loss of the Wai 
was only the consequence of their activity, and not, as they 
now assert, the result of 'bad' leadership. The enemy, too, 
did not consist of cowards; he, too, knew how to die; his 
number was, for the first day, greater than that of the Ger- 
man army, his technical armament had the arsenals of the 
whole world at his disposal; thus the fact that the German 
victories which were gained by fighting against a whole 
world during four years were due, with all heroic courage 
and all 'organization/ only to superior leadership, cannot 
be denied in the face of reality. The organization and the 
leadership of the German army were the most colossal 
affair which the earth has ever seen so far. Its deficiencies 
were within the bounds of general human imperfection as a 

That this army broke down was not the cause of our pre- 
sent misfortune, but only the consequence of other crimes, a 
consequence which in its turn, however, introduced the 
beginning of a further and this time more conspicuous col- 

That this is the case may be derived from the following: 

When, then, is a military defeat bound to lead to such a 

complete breakdown of a nation and a State? Since when 

is this the result of an unlucky war? Do nations perish at 

all by a lost war as such? 

in office is fond of demanding that every German must be- 
come, physically and mentally, an instrument of the High 
Command, and of the turning the next minute to a proclama- 
tion of his ardent desire for peace. One may, perhaps, put the 
matter in a nutshell by saying: for Mr. Neville Chamberlain 
1 peace' is something that will permit the British investor to 
keep on excelling at the hunt; for Mr. Hitler it is something 
that results from the scare that follows a mobilization of the 
German army. 


The answer to this can be very short: Whenever nations 
receive in their military defeat the return for their inner 
corruption, cowardice, and lack of character, in short, for 
their unworthiness. If this is not the case, then the military 
defeat will become the impulse for a coming greater rise 
rather than the tombstone of a nation's existence. 

History offers no end of examples for the correctness of 
this assertion. 

Unfortunately, the military defeat of the German people 
is not an undeserved catastrophe, but rather a deserved 
punishment by eternal retribution. We more than de- 
served this defeat. It is only the greatest outward symp- 
tom of decay among quite a series of internal ones which 
perhaps would have remained hidden to the eye of most 
people, or which perhaps one, in ostrich-like manner, did 
not want to see. 

One should only look at the accompanying symptoms 
with which the German people accepted this defeat. Had 
one not in many circles actually expressed joy at the mis- 
fortune of the fatherland in the most shameless way? But 
who does this if he does not really deserve such punish- 
ment? Indeed, did one not even go farther and boast of 
finally having caused the front to retreat? And it was not 
the enemy who did this, no, no, it was Germans who piled 
such disgrace upon their heads! Did misfortune perhaps 
hit them unjustly? Since when, however, does one step 
forward in order to attribute the war guilt to oneself? And 
this, despite realization and knowledge to the contrary! 

No, and again no: in the way and in the manner in which 
the German people accepted its defeat one is able to recog- 
nize most clearly that the true cause of our collapse is to be 
found in a place quite apart from the purely military loss 
of some positions or in the failure of an offensive; for if the 
front as such had really failed and if, by its misfortune, the 
doom of the fatherland had been caused, the German 


people would have accepted defeat in quite a different way. 
Then, with clenched teeth, one would have endured the 
misfortune that now followed, or one would have lamented 
it, overcome by pain; then wrath and fury against the en- 
emy who had become victorious by the cunning of chance 
or by the will of Destiny would have filled the hearts; then, 
like to the Roman Senate, the nation would have stepped 
up to the defeated divisions with the fatherland's thanks 
for the sacrifices made so far, and with the request not to 
despair of the Reich. Even the capitulation would have 
been signed only by force of reason, while the heart would 
have already beaten in expectation of the coming rise. 

After the War a strange frenzy of jubilation was indulged in 
by various groups of Germans. There was dancing all night 
in the streets of villages and towns; delirious welcomes to 
homecoming sweethearts shocked the sedate. The German 
government sent emissaries to welcome troops returning to 
Berlin and to invite their support in putting the new govern- 
ment on a firm basis; but few consented to stay, and those who 
did were normally soon out of control. Soldiers who took up 
quarters in the Berlin Schloss at Liebknecht's behest re- 
emerged decked in the ex-Kaiser's uniforms, their pockets 
stuffed with silver from the Imperial cupboards. Most striking 
detail of all, Berlin was on Christmas Eve, 1918, perilously 
close to the brink of revolution. The government had no 
armed forces on which it could rely; the revolutionaries had 
amassed considerable strength. But as if at a prearranged 
signal, everybody went off to celebrate and the crisis was over. 
One of the most serious charges brought against Erzberger 
was that he had written an old Suabian toast in a tavern book 
at Weimar. All this was, of course, the result of the attack of 
giddiness which followed a sudden release from four years of 
pressure such as no other people had ever been called upon to 
bear. For years nationalists referred to these things as indi- 
cations of the base Qualities that were hidden in the German 


In such a manner one would have accepted a defeat 
which would have been due to Fate alone. Then one would 
not have laughed and danced, then one would not have 
boasted of one's cowardice, and one would not have glori- 
fied the defeat; one would not have jeered at the fighting 
troops and one would not have torn its flag and cockade 
down into the dirt, but above all : then it would never have 
come to that terrible condition which caused an English 
officer, Colonel Repington, to utter the contemptuous re- 
mark: 'Among the Germans every third man is a traitor.' 
No, this pestilence would never have been able to swell up 
to such a suffocating flood which now for five years has 
drowned even the last remainder of respect on the part of 
the rest of the world. 

From this can best be seen the lie contained in the asser- 

The spectacle of Germany in defeat was in some respects 
undignified. Neither, for that matter, was the spectacle of 
Allied countries reveling in victory a highly edifying one. On 
both sides orgies of lust and madness, for which Europe could 
hardly parallel in history, marked the end of the conflict. In 
Germany, American and British observers saw passers-by 
young loafers and deserters for the most part beset officers, 
tear the insignia from their shoulders, and bash their sabres 
against the pavement. One such observer wrote in his diary 
at the time: 'There will be a reaction against these things^and 
it will not be pleasant to contemplate.' Yet such phenomena 
did not illustrate the sentiment of either the people or the 
army as a whole. In November, 1918, a battalion of veterans, 
covered with gray mud, starved to the bone, marched home- 
ward through the streets of Mtinster. On they came with firm 
tread, rifles slung on their shoulders, looking for all the world 
like a procession of wraiths arisen from the battlefields of the 
Marne. The thousands gathered along the streets stood in 
awe-struck silence, until finally a universal sob that shook the 
crowd seemed to come from every throat. In a small Moselle 


tkm that the lost war was the cause of the German col* 
lapse. No, the military collapse was in its turn only the 
consequence of quite a series of the symptoms of an illness 
and their causes, which had visited the German nation even 
in time of peace. It was this the first catastrophic conse- 
quence of moral poisoning, visible to all, the consequence 
of a decrease in the instinct of self-preservation and of the 
conditions for it, which had already begun to undermine 
the foundations of the people and the Reich many years 

But it took the entire bottomless lying of Jewry and its 
Marxist fighting organization to burden with the guilt of 
the collapse just that man, the only one who tried, with 
superhuman will power and energy, to prevent the catas- 
trophe he saw approaching and to spare the nation the time 
of the deepest degradation and dishonor. By stamping 

village, officers of the Fourth Army Corps, A.E.F., attended a 
Christmas midnight Mass, in 1918. Widows in black ushered 
their little children, dressed in white, into the church from out 
of the snow-filled night; and not one of them stood dry-eyed 
as the music of ancient carols eddied round the tombs of village 
warriors dead a thousand years ago. No, it is historically un- 
just to cast aspersions on the German people. They were 
utterly stunned by the suddenness of their defeat, for which 
nothing had prepared them. And they were left to carve out 
their own destiny by officers who, after years of dictatorship, 
wished now to get the ruins off their hands. 

The most effective critics of Ludendorff were not 'Jewish 
writers' or 'Marxist journals, 9 but gentlemen of the Right 
Virtually no one in the Foreign Office at the end of the con- 
flict entertained any doubt that the General had ruined Ger- 
many, and the memoirs of Bernstorff, Solf, Ktthlmann, and 
others bear witness to this fact Nor has military criticism 
been less outspoken. 


Ludendorff aa the culprit of the loss of the World War, one 
took away from the hand of the only dangerous accuser, 
who was able to stand up against the traitors to the father- 
land, the weapon of moral right. Therewith one started 
out with the very correct assumption that in the size of the 
lie there is always contained a certain factor of credibility, 
since the great masses of a people may be more corrupt in 
the bottom of their hearts than they will be consciously and 
intentionally bad, therefore with the primitive simplicity 
of their minds they will more easily fall victims to a great 
lie than to a small one, since they themselves perhaps also 
lie sometimes in little things, but would certainly still be 
too much ashamed of too great lies. Thus such an untruth 
will not at all enter their heads, and therefore they will be 
unable to believe in the possibility of the enormous impu- 
dence of the most infamous distortion in others; indeed, 
they may doubt and hesitate even when being enlightened, 
and they accept any cause at least as nevertheless being 
true; therefore, just for this reason some part of the most 
impudent lie will remain and stick; a fact which all great 
lying artists and societies of this world know only too well 
and therefore also villainously employ. 

Those who know best this truth about the possibilities 
of the application of untruth and defamation, however, 
were at all times the Jews; for their entire existence is built 
on one single great lie, namely, that here one had to deal 
with a religious brotherhood, while in fact one has to do 
with a race what a race! As such they have been nailed 
down forever, in an eternally correct sentence of funda- 
mental truth, by one of the greatest minds of mankind; he 
called them 'the great masters of lying.' He who does not 
realize this or does not want to believe this will never be 
able to help truth to victory in this world. 


For the sake of the German people one has to consider 
it almost a piece of good fortune that the time of its latent 
illness was not suddenly cut short by such a terrible catas- 
trophe, because otherwise the nation would probably have 
perished more slowly, but nevertheless all the more cer- 
tainly. The illness would then have become a chronic dis- 
ease, whereas now in the acute form of the collapse it be- 
came clearly and distinctly visible at least in the eyes of a 
larger crowd. It was not by accident that man became 
master of the plague more easily than of tuberculosis. The 
one comes in terrible death waves, scourging mankind, the 
other sneaks in slowly; the one leads to terrible fear, the 
other to gradual indifference. But the consequence was 
that man opposed the one with the whole ruthlessness of 
his energy, while he tries to check consumption with weak 
means. Thus he mastered the plague, while he in turn is 
mastered by tuberculosis. 

Exactly the same is also the case with diseases of national 
bodies. If they do not appear in the form of a catastrophe, 
man begins gradually to get used to them and finally he will 
perish by them, though only after a long time, but never- 
theless more certainly. Then it is a good fortune (however 
bitter) if Destiny decides to intervene in this slow process 
of putrid corruption and, at one blow, to put before the eyes 
of him who is stricken the end of the disease. For this is 
what such a catastrophe amounts to more than once. Then 
it may easily become the cause of a recovery which sets in 
with utmost determination. 

But also in such a case the prerequisite is again the real- 
ization of the inner reasons which cause the disease in 

What is most important also here is the distinction be- 
tween the causes and the conditions they bring about. 
This will be the more difficult the longer the contagious 
matter has been in the nation's body and the more it had 


already become a natural part and parcel of that body. 
For it may very easily happen that after a certain time one 
no longer considers an absolutely noxious poison as 'alien' 
as such, but that one looks upon it as consistent with one's 
nationality or tolerates it, at the utmost, as a necessary 
evil, so that one no longer considers imperative the search 
for the cause of the morbific agent. 

During the long pre-War years of peace certain patho- 
logic features had certainly appeared and been recognized 
as such, whereas, apart from a few exceptions, one did not 
at all take the morbific agent into account. It might be said 
that here again it was most of all the symptoms of eco- 
nomic life which became conscious to the individual more 
than perhaps the injurious consequences in quite a series 
of other domains. 

There were many signs of decay which ought to have 
stimulated serious reflection. 

In this respect, from the purely economic point of view, 
the following may be said : 

By the rapid increase of the German people's number 
before the War, the question of supplying the daily bread 
stepped into the foreground of all political and economic 
thought and activity in a more and more acute manner. 
Unfortunately, one could not make up one's mind to arrive 
at the only correct solution, but believed that one could 
reach the goal in a cheaper way. As soon as one renounced 
gaining new territory and, instead, entangled oneself in the 
delusion of a world-wide economic conquest, the end was 
bound to lead to an industrialization that was as limitless as 
it was detrimental. 

The first consequence of gravest importance was the 
weakening of the peasant class. In the same measure in 
which the latter class diminished, the mass of the prole-, 


tariat of the great cities grew more and more, till finally the 
balance was lost entirely. 

Now the sharp contrast between poor and rich became 
really apparent. Superabundance and misery now lived so 
dose together that the consequences of this could be and 
were bound to be necessarily very dreary. Distress and 
frequent unemployment began to play their game with 
people and left discontent and embitterment as a memory 
behind them. The consequence of this seemed to be the 
political class split. Thus, with all economic prosperity, 
discontent nevertheless became greater and deeper, and 
it even went so far that the conviction, 'it can no longer go 
on like this,' became a general one, without people forming 
or being able to form a definite idea of what should perhaps 
have come. 

These were the typical symptoms of a deep discontent 
which tried to express itself in such a manner. 

But worse than this were other consequential symptoms 
Which the economization of the nation brought with it. 

In the measure in which business rose to become the de* 
termining master of the State, money became the god whom 
now everybody had to serve and to worship. Now the 
celestial gods were put more and more into a corner as 
outmoded and old-fashioned, and instead of to them, in- 
cense was offered to the idol of mammon. A truly evil 
degeneration thus set in, especially evil for the reason that 
this took place at a time when the nation, more than ever, 
would probably need the highest heroic conviction at a 
threatening critical hour; Germany had to be prepared with 
the help of the sword to stand up some day for her attempt 
to secure her daily bread by way of a 'peaceful economic 

Unfortunately, the domination of money was sanctioned 
also by that authority which should have resisted it most 
of all: His Majesty the Kaiser acted unluckily when he 


drew the aristocracy particularly into the orbit of the new 
fiscal capital. Here, of course, one has to admit to his 
credit that in this respect unfortunately even Bismarck did 
not recognize the impending danger. With this, however, 
the ideal virtues had practically stepped back behind the 
value of money, for it was obvious that once one had 
started out on such a way, the nobility of the sword would 
very shortly have to take its place behind the aristocracy 

Attacks on the German nobility were to remain character- 
istic of National Socialism. Among nationalists, the princes 
were reproached for their poor war record. More generally, 
feeling waxed strong against the caste on social and economic 
grounds. Even the Center Party struck noblemen off its list 
of candidates a revolutionary action of which it was to re- 
pent later. The question concerning what disposition was to 
be made of the fortunes of the princes rocked German politics 
for years, leading eventually to a referendum which cut across 
all party alignments. Hitler's criticism seems to have been 
based primarily on intermarriages between the scions of noble 
houses and Jewish maidens. Such alliances were, as a matter 
of fact, common, many dating back to Napoleonic times. 
Anyone who takes the trouble to study the dedications of 
memoirs that appeared after the middle of the nineteenth 
century will find that in a great many instances this rule ap- 
plies: the nobler the author, the more certain he is to boast a 
Jewish grandmother. The late eighteenth century period of 
Lessing's Nathan der Wcisc was characterized by the 
homage paid to brilliant and beautiful Jewish women. Some 
of the marriages were, of course, based on money, but it must 
be added that the Jews brought from Vienna and Frankfort a 
culture superior to any that then existed in northeast Germany. 

The most voluminous Nazi critic of the German nobility is, 
however, R. Walther Darrfe, Hitler's Minister of Agriculture. 
Born in the Argentine and said to have specialized in veterinary 
science, Darr6 is above all the author of Neuadel aus Blut und 
Boden. He summarizes the faults of the princes as these have 


of finance. Financial operations succeed more easily thtin 
battles. Also, it was no longer inviting now for the real 
hero or statesman to be brought into contact with the next- 
best Jew banker, so that the really meritorious man could 
no longer have an interest in the bestowal of such cheap 
decorations, but refused them with thanks as far as he was 
concerned. This development was profoundly saddening 
also from the point of view of blood ; the nobility lost more 

long since been chalked up by Lagarde, Langbehn, Treitschke, 
and others. Then he attributes most of the blame to Charle- 
magne, who because the fact that he favored Roman law and 
custom proved that he 'no longer possessed a sense of the im- 
portance of the German nobility, by reason of the fact that he 
was deficient in the heritage of German blood, 1 The battle of 
Verden (782) was, he thinks, the deciding point. For there 
Charlemagne defeated the * Saxon nobles.' From that time 
on, 'a Christian nobility is dominant in Germany, formed for 
the most part of Prankish noblemen-officials, whose blood was 
of dubious purity in the Germanic sense, though in the course 
of time . . . this was replaced by or improved by better blood. 
But this history of the development of the German Christian 
nobility out of the Prankish noblemen-official caste is very 
basically the cause why, in contradistinction to the heathen 
Germanic nobility, it no longer acts as a leadership embedded 
in the people, but as a caste set apart by itself above the 
German people a caste which was dissolved only after the 
Crusades.' (Dane's diction and syntax retain certain veter- 
inarian characteristics.) 

How, then, is the situation to be remedied? In the Vdlkischer 
Bcobachter (1923) Darr proposed the establishment of Zucht- 
ivarten that is, offices for breeding control whose duty it 
would be to keep records of German breeding. German girls 
were to be divided into four classes: the ten per cent shown by 
inspectors to have the best German blood were to be set apart 
as the group from which the 'new German nobility* might 
freely choose ; the rest of those girls against whose blood streams 


and more the racial presumption for its existence. For a 
greater part the designation 'non-nobility* would have 
been far more suitable. 

A symptom of serious economic decay was the slow ex- 
tinction of the personal right of possession and the gradual 
handing-over of the entire economy into the possession of stock- 
holders' companies. 

Only with this had labor truly sunk to the level of an 
object of speculation of unscrupulous hagglers; but the 

nothing important could be said were also to be within the 
'new nobleman's' purview, provided he could obtain the 
Zuchtwarfs permission to wed with one of them; the group 
against which pertinent criticism could be advanced were to 
be free to marry, provided they were sterilized in advance; 
and those unfortunates whose blood proved to be beneath 
contempt were to be held away from the altar under all cir- 
cumstances. To these ideas Darr6 has often returned, particu- 
larly in the famous seventh chapter of Neuadel aus Blut und 
Boden, in which he attempts to apply the laws of breeding to 
the German people. Here also is the often quoted passage in 
which he maintains that an illegitimate child of 'good blood' 
is to be ranked higher than a legitimate child of 'bad blood.' 
The distinction is of importance, since girls of 'bad blood' are 
no longer permitted to marry peasants whom the law permits 
to inherit land. 

How much of this theory has been put into practice cannot 
be determined. The most important of the published decrees 
are the sterilization laws. No figures on the total number of 
operations are available, nor is there any certainty that 
'feeble-mindedness' has been the major argument resorted to. 
Physicians recently employed in German hospitals estimate 
that the total number of operations since 1933 the law was 
decreed during July of that year exceed 200,000. migrt 
authorities whose veracity there is no reason to doubt insist 
that a good portion of these sterilizations were carried out for 
racial or political reasons. Some Catholic physicians have been 


alienation of property from the employee, however, was 
now increased ad infinitum. The stock exchange began to 
triumph and proceeded to take slowly but gradually the 
life of the nation in its charge and control. 

The internationalization of German economic life had 
been introduced even before the War by the roundabout 
way of the stock issues. Indeed, one part of German indus- 
try still tried to guard itself with determination against this 
fate; but then, in turn, it fell victim to the combined attack 

removed from their positions for unwillingness to enforce the 
law. (Cf. also Nazi Germany: Its Women and Family Life, by 
Clifford Kirkpatrick.) 

In addition the 'new nobility* is in process of formation. 
The most important caste is formed by the S.S. the black- 
garbed Schutzstaffd (Safety Staff) commanded by Himmler; 
and this is now governed by a rigid marital code. The Nttrn- 
berg Laws on Race and Citizenship, passed in 1935, provide 
(Articles I and 2 of Section II): 'Marriages between Jews and 
subjects of German or kindred blood are forbidden. Marriages 
contracted despite this law are invalid, even if they be con- 
cluded abroad in order to circumvent this law. . . . Extra- 
marital relations between Jews and subjects of German or 
kindred blood are forbidden.' In addition, certain 'experi- 
ments' in breeding have been conducted. 

Finally it may be added that the most famous recruit to 
National Socialism from the ranks of the German nobility is 
Prince August Wilhelm, fourth son of the ex-Kaiser. He was 
a familiar addendum to Nazi rallies prior to the Machtcr- 
greifung (seizure of power). But during the 'blood purge' of 
1934 he was suddenly ordered by General Goering to take a 
holiday in Switzerland, with which request he conformed 
without delay. During the 'crisis' that developed in 1938 out 
of Hitler's relations with the Reichswehr, the ex-Crown 
Prince was despatched on a similar excursion into the Swiss 


of greedy capital which fought this battle especially with 
the aid of its faithful comrade, the Marxist movement. 

The continued war against the German 'heavy industry* 
was the visible beginning of the German economy's inter- 
nationalization, aimed at by Marxism's victory in the Rev- 
olution. While I am writing this, the general attack against 
the German State Railways, which is now handed over to 
the international capital, has finally been successful. With 
this the 'international' Social Democracy has again 
reached one of its high objectives. 

How far one had succeeded in this 'economization' of the 
German people is probably most visible from the fact that 
finally after the War one of the leading heads of German 
industry, and above all, German trade, was able to express 
the opinion that economy as such would be in a position to 
re-erect Germany, nonsense which was dished up in a very 
moment when France again based instruction in her schools 
primarily on the humanistic principles, in order to prevent 
the opinion that the nation and the State owed their exist- 
ence to business and not to eternally ideal values. The 
remark which in those days a Stinnes gave the world caused 

After the platform of the Social Democratic Party had be- 
come ' reformist ' in character, attention was devoted primarily 
to the question: 'What industries are ripe for socialization?' 
When the War was over, two commissions were appointed by 
the Reich government to look into the matter. The principal 
result was a theoretical decision that the coal industry ought 
to be socialized. Nothing else was accomplished, unless the 
law establishing 'industrial workers' councils' be considered 
an advance. Under the Dawes Plan, the German Railroads 
were organized into a separate 'company' (Reichsbahn- 
GeseUschaft) in the management of which the Reparations 
Commission had a share. The idea was to collect reparations 
money from the proceeds of the railroads, which remained, 
however, the property of the Reich. 


the most unbelievable confusion; because it was taken up 
immediately in order to become, with marvelous speed, the 
leit-motiv of all quacks and prattlers whom Heaven had let 
loose over Germany in the capacity of 'statesmen' since 
the Revolution. 

One of the most evil symptoms of decay in pre-War Germany 
was the constant spreading of half measures in all and every- 
thing. It is always the consequence of one's own uncer- 
tainty about some affair as well as of a cowardice resulting 
from these and other reasons. This disease is promoted 
further by education. 

German education before the War was afflicted with an 
extremely great number of weaknesses. Its intention was 
cut out, in a very one-sided manner, for the purpose of 
breeding pure 'knowledge'; it was orientated less towards 
'abilities,' and far less emphasis was put on the cultivation 
of character in the individual (as far as this is at all pos- 
sible!), very little on the promotion of the joy of accepting 

Compare Spengler (Zucht oder Bildung?): 'First comes con- 
duct, and then knowledge. But as a nation we are not at all 
aware of what conduct is, and we have had far too much 
"education." We have been crammed full of knowledge that 
has no bearing on life, which is purposeless and directionless, 
by indefatigable teachers unable to propose to themselves any 
other task. But it is one thing to be pedantic, and another to 
possess prudence, knowledge of life, and experience in the ways 
of the world. ... I would place Latin in the foreground, even 
today. Germany owes to the thorough training in Latin af- 
forded by its gymnasia during the past century more than it 
realizes. To that training it owes its intellectual discipline, 
its talent for organization, and its progress in technology. 1 
Spengler adds, in prophetic words, that teaching history and 
'educting the people politically' are one and the same thing. 


responsibility, and none at all on the training of will power 
and determination. Its results were really not the strong 
man, but rather the pliable 'know-all/ as which we Ger- 
mans were generally looked upon before the War and were 
esteemed accordingly. One liked the German, as he was 
very useful, but one respected him too little, just in conse- 
quence of his weakness of will. Not without reason was it 
above all he, who of all people most easily lost his nation- 
ality and his fatherland. The nice proverb, ' M it dem Hute in 
der Hand komnti man durch das ganze Land' [with one's hat 
in one's hand one can go through the whole land], says all 
there is to say. 

This pliability became really disastrous, however, when 
it determined the forms with which alone one was per- 
mitted to approach the monarch ; that means, never to con- 
tradict him, but to agree to all and everything that His 
Majesty pleases to ordain. The free dignity of man was 
most needed just in this very place, if otherwise the mon- 
archistic institution was not to perish some day just because 
of this cringing; for it was cringing and nothing else, and 
only to miserable cringers and sneaks, in short, to the whole 
decadent pack which has always felt at home around the 
highest thrones more than the honorable, decent, and hon- 
est souls, this can pass for the only given form of contact 
with the wearers of a crown. These 'most humble 9 crea- 
tures, however, with all humility towards their master and 
bread-provider, have forever demonstrated their greatest 
impudence towards the other part of mankind, and most of 
all when it pleased them to have the cheek to present them- 
selves as solely 'monarchistic' to the other sinners; a gen- 
uine impudence which only such a titled or untitled maw- 
worm can exhibit. For in truth these people have been the 
gravediggers of the monarchy and especially of the mon- 
archistic idea. This is conceivable in no other way. A man 
who is ready to stand up for a cause will and can never be a 


sneak and a characterless cringer. He who is really seri- 
ously concerned about the preservation and the furtherance 
of an institution will cling to it with the last fiber of his 
heart, and will never be able to get over the fact if evils of 
some kind become apparent in that institution, but such a 
man indeed will not cry this out publicly, as the democratic 
'friends' (?) of the monarchy did in exactly the same men- 
dacious manner, but he will most seriously warn and try 
to influence His Majesty in person, the bearer of the crown. 
Thereby he will not and must not take the point of view 
that His Majesty will nevertheless be at liberty to act 
according to his will, even if this may and is bound to lead 
to disaster, but in such a case he will have to protect the 
monarchy against the monarch, and this at any risk. For, 
if the value of this institution were to be found in the per- 
son of the monarch who happens to reign at the time in- 
volved, then this would be the worst institution conceiv- 
able as a whole, for only in the rarest cases are the monarchs 
the 61ite of wisdom and reason, or even of character, as one 
likes to describe them. Only the professional cringers and 
sneaks believe this, but all straightforward people and 
these are nevertheless still the most valuable individuals of 
the State will feel repulsed by the representation of such 
an absurd opinion. For them history is only history, and 
truth is truth, even if the parties involved are monarchs. 
No, the fortune to possess a great monarch in the person of 
a great man falls only so rarely to the share of the people 
that they have to be content if the malice of Fate at least 
abstains from making the very worst mistake. 

Thus the value and the importance of the monarchistic 
idea cannot lie in the person of the monarch himself, except 
Heaven resolves to place the crown on the temples of an 
heroic genius like Frederick the Great or of a wise character 
like Wilhelm I. This happens once in the course of cen- 
turies, and hardly more often. For the rest, however, the 


idea takes precedence of the person, since the meaning of 
this arrangement lies exclusively in this institution itself. 
But with this the monarch himself falls into the circle of 
service. Now he, too, is only a wheel in this work, and in 
this capacity he is obligated to the work. He, too, has now 
to submit to the higher end, and 'monarchist' is no longer 
he who silently lets the bearer of the crown sin against him- 
self, but he who prevents this. If it were different, not even 
the dethronement of an obviously mentally deranged prince 
would be permissible, if the meaning were not found in the 
idea, but in the ' sacred * person at any price, 
t Today it is really necessary to put this down, as recently 

These remarks are, in view of much that has been entered 
into the ledger since 1923, a fairly beguiling temptation to be 
retrospective. The relationships between Hitler and Wilhelm 
II are worth studying for the light they throw on German 
psychology. In both cases oratorical talent was used to flutter 
the dovecotes in the majority of European capitals. Both were 
disciples of Chamberlain, and both believed firmly in the 
inevitable 'war of races. 1 God was with Wilhelm as he is with 
Hitler. Under the old regime, there was Prince Eulenberg; 
under the new there is Rudolf Hess. The court pianist tradi- 
tion survived into the Third Reich. The craving to be re- 
ceived into British society has endured, together with the same 
inability to 'arrive. 1 Before the War, naval officers preparing 
to receive the Kaiser on a tour of inspection, were surprised 
to find that a lofty pedestal had been erected, to the top of 
which a staircase led. The riddle was solved when Wilhelm 
ascended to that lofty perch and talked down to his dear navy. 
In 1 935 1 a similar pedestal was constructed for the Niirnberg 
Party Conference. Hitler mounted, and talked down to his 
beloved S.A. The Kaiser's picture, in days gone by, was 
ubiquitous; Hitler's is now, if possible, still more universal. 
But to date the fondness for uniforms has apparently been 
bequeathed to General Goering. 


more and more of those types begin again to emerge from 
obscurity to whose wretched attitude the collapse of the 
monarchy must be ascribed not in least degree. With a 
certain naive imperturbability, these people now talk again 
only of 'their' king (whom, however, they had nevertheless 
left in the lurch in the most wretched manner, in the criti- 
cal hour only a few years ago), and they begin to describe 
as a bad German every man who is not willing to tune in 
with their mendacious tirades, while in truth these are 
exactly the same poltroons who in the year 1918 dispersed 
and rushed away from each and every red arm badge, who 
let their king be king, immediately exchanged halberd for 
the walking stick, donned neutral neckties, and disap- 
peared, as peaceful 'citizens,' actually without leaving a 
trace. At that time they had disappeared at one blow, these 
royal champions, and only after the revolutionary hurricane 
had calmed down, thanks to the activity of the others, so 
that one could again blare out into the air one's ' Hail to the 
King, Hail,' these 'servants' and 'councillors' of the crown 
began again to emerge cautiously. But now they are all 
here, and they cast their eyes longingly backwards towards 
the fleshpots of Egypt, they hardly can restrain themselves 
for loyalty towards the king and for eagerness to accomplish 
great feats, till perhaps the first red arm badge will some 
day appear again, and the ghostly crowd of the parties inter- 
ested in the monarchy bolts again, like mice before the cat. 

If the monarchs themselves were not guilty of these 
things, one could only pity them most heartily because of 
their defenders of today. But they can be convinced, at 
any rate, that with such knights one loses perhaps one's 
throne, but that one does not fight for crowns. 

This devotion, however, was a fault of our entire educa- 
tion, a fault which took its revenge now in this place in an 
especially terrible manner. 

For in consequence of this, these wretched types were 


able to hold their ground at all courts and to undermine 
gradually the foundations of the monarchy. But when the 
building then finally began to shake, they were blown away 
as it were and disappeared. Naturally: cringers and flunk- 
ies do not let themselves be killed for their master. That 
the monarchs never know this and on principle fail to learn 
this has been their doom of old. 

One of the worst symptoms of decay was the increasing cow- 
ardice towards responsibility as well as the half-heartedness in 
all things resulting from it. 

t The starting-point of this plague, however, lies with us 
to a great part in the purest cultivation of irresponsibility in 
our parliamentary institution: unfortunately, this plague 
invaded slowly also the remaining domains of life, most of 
all that of the State. Everywhere one began to evade re- 
sponsibility and for this reason one preferred to take up 
half and insufficient measures; because by their application 
the measure of the responsibility to be borne personally 
seems to be screwed down to the smallest size. 

One need only look at the attitude of the various govern- 
ments towards a series of really detrimental symptoms of 
our public life, and one will easily recognize the terrible 
meaning of this general half-heartedness and cowardice 
towards responsibility.-^ 

Here again Spengler is interesting. 'We must set to work 
here and now,' he declared in Der Sumpf, 'relentlessly finding 
the sore on the German body, if a long-drawn-out, creeping 
illness is to be cured.' But Spengler detected the evil, not in 
the parliamentary system as such, or even in Marxism, but 
rather in the mechanics of party life. Parties, he contended, 
became ends in themselves, and lost all relation to the bane 
central concerns of the nation. 


I take up only a few cases out of the vast number which 
is at our disposal: 

Just in journalistic circles one usually prefers to call the 
press a 'great power' of the State. As a matter of fact its 
importance is truly enormous. It cannot be overestimated ; 
it is indeed actually the continuation of the education of 
youth in advanced age. 

t Thereby one can divide the readers as a whole into three 

First, those who believe everything they read; 

Secondly, those who no longer believe anything; 

Thirdly, those who critically examine what they have 
read and judge accordingly. 

The first group is numerically by far the greatest. It con- 
sists of the great masses of the people and therefore repre- 
sents the mentally simplest part of the nation. But it can- 
not at all be expressed in terms of professions, but, at the 
utmost, in general grades of intelligence. To it belong all 
those to whom independent thinking is neither inborn nor 
instilled by education, and who, partly through inability and 
partly through incompetence, believe everything that is 
put before them printed in black on white. Also those lazy- 
bones belong to it who are well able to think for themselves, 
but who, out of sheer mental inertia, gratefully pick up 
anything that someone else has thought before, with the 
modest assumption that the latter will probably have exer- 
cised the right kind of effort. Now with all these people, 
who represent the great masses, the influence of the press 
will be enormous. They are not in a position, or they do 
not wish personally, to examine what is offered to them so 
that their entire attitude towards all current problems can 
be led back almost exclusively to the outward influence of 
others. This may be of advantage in case their enlighten- 
ment is carried out by a sincere and truth-loving party, but 
it is evil as soon as scoundrels or liars do this. 


The second group is much smaller even in number. It is 
composed of the greater part of elements which first be- 
longed to the first group, and who after long and bitter dis- 
appointments changed over to the contrary and believe no 
longer in anything at all that comes in the form of print 
before their eyes. They hate every newspaper; either they 
do not read it at all or they are annoyed at the contents 
without exception, since in their opinion it is composed 
only of lies and untruths. These people are very difficult to 
handle, as they will also always face the truth mistrustingly. 
Therefore they are lost to every positive work. 

The third group finally is by far the smallest; it consists 
of the mentally truly fine heads whom natural gifts and 
education have taught to think independently, who try to 
form a judgment of their own about everything, and who 
submit most thoroughly everything they have read to an 
examination and further development of their own. They 
will not place a newspaper before their eyes without making 
their brains co-operate continuously, and then Mr. Author 
will not easily hold his own. The journalists therefore like 
such a reader only with reserve. 

For this third group, indeed, the nonsense which a news- 
paper may scribble together is of little danger or impor- 
tance. They have accustomed themselves anyhow in the 
course of their lifetime to see as a rule in every journalist a 
scoundrel who tells the truth only occasionally. Unfortu- 
nately, however, the importance of these excellent people 
lies only in their intelligence and not in their number; a mis- 
fortune in a time in which wisdom is nothing and the major- 
ity everything. Today, where the ballot of the masses de- 
cides, the decisive value lies with the most numerous group 
and this is the first one: the crowd of the simple ones and 
the credulous.** 

It is in the paramount interest of the State and the na- 
tion to prevent these people from falling into the hands ot 


evil, ignorant, or even malevolent educators. The State, 
therefore, has the duty to supervise their education and to 
prevent any nuisance. Therefore, it has to watch especially 
the press, for its influence is by far the strongest and most 
penetrating on these people, as it is applied not temporarily 
but permanently. In the persistent and eternal repetition 
of this instruction lies its entire unheard-of importance. 
Therefore, if in any place at all, the State must not forget 
that just in here all means must serve an end ; it must not let 
itself be misled by the boast of a so-called ' freedom of the 
press/ and must not be persuaded to fail in its duty and to 
put before the nation the food that it needs and that is good 
for it; it must assure itself with ruthless determination of 
this means for educating the people and to put into the 
service of the State and the nation. 

But what food was it that the German press of the pre- 
War time put before these people? Was it not the worst 
conceivable poison? Was not the worst kind of pacifism 
inoculated into the heart of our people, at a time when the 
rest of the world was about to throttle Germany slowly but 
surely? Did not this press, even in times of peace, instill 
into the brains of the people doubts about the rights of their 
own State, in order to restrict it from the beginning in the 
choice of the means for its defense? Was it not the German 
press which knew how to make palatable to our people the 
nonsense of 'Western Democracy/ till finally, captured by 
all these enthusiastic tirades, it thought that it could en- 
trust its future to a League of Nations? Did it not help in 
educating our people towards a wretched immorality? Did 
it not ridicule morals and customs, interpreting them as 
being old-fashioned and humdrum, till finally our people 
actually became 'modern'? Did it not, by continued 
attack, undermine the fundamentals of State authority for 
so long till a single blow was sufficient to cause the collapse 
of this building? Did it not once fight against every mani- 


festation of the will to give to the State what belongs to it, 
did it not fight with all means, did it not disparage the 
army by continued criticism, did it not sabotage general 
conscription, and did it not solicit the refusal of military 
credits, etc., till the results could not fail to arrive? 

The activity of the so-called liberal press was the work of 
gravediggers for the German people and the German Reich. 
One can pass by in silence the Marxist papers of lies; to 
them lying is as necessary to their life as catching mice is to 
the cat; but its task is only to break the people's folkish and 
national spine, in order to make it ripe for the yoke of slav- 
ery of international capital and its masters, the Jews. 

But what did the State do against this mass poisoning 
of the nation? Nothing, actually nothing. A few ridiculous 
decrees, a few fines against too great villainies, and that 
was all. But instead, one hoped perhaps to gain the favor of 
this pest by bringing forth flatteries and acknowledgments 
of the 'value' of the press, its 'importance,' its 'educational 
mission,' and the other nonsense of that kind, which the 
Jews, slyly smiling, received and accepted with cunning 

The cause for this miserable failure, however, was not 
the non-recognition of the danger but rather a cowardice, 
crying to Heaven, and the half-heartedness of all resolu- 
tions and measures, born out of it. Nobody had the cour- 
age to take up thoroughgoing radical means, but here, as 
everywhere else, one bungled about with half prescriptions, 
and, instead of delivering the coup de grdce, one perhaps 
only irritated the viper, with the result that not only every- 
thing remained as it had been, but that, on the contrary, 
the power of the institution to be fought increased from 
year to year. 

The German government's defensive against the press 
horde, slowly corrupting the nation, of chiefly Jewish origin 
and of Jewish journals, was without a straight line, without 


determination, but above all without any visible goal. Here 
the brains of the privy councillors gave out completely, in 
the estimation of the importance of this fight as well as 
in the choice of the means, and the establishment of a clear 
plan. Planlessly one doctored about; at a time when one 
had been bitten too much one locked up such a journalistic 
viper for a few weeks or months, but one left the snake's 
nest as such well alone. 

This was partly, of course, also the consequence of the 
infinitely sly tactics of Jewry on the one hand and of a 
stupidity or harmlessness typical amongst privy councillors 
on the other. The Jew was much too clever to permit his 
entire press to be attacked uniformly. No, the purpose of 
a part of it was to cover up. While the Marxist papers, in 
the meanest way, went to battle against everything that 

The 'Jewish press 1 was a slogan then, as it has since been in 
other lands. As a matter of fact, a few of the ablest 'liberal' 
journals in Germany were edited by Jews. Nevertheless, when 
one views the press of the country as a whole, the Jewish in- 
fluence appears to have been limited to the 'democratic' news- 
papers of Berlin and Frankfort. More emotion was aroused by 
a number of vigorous Jewish opposition journalists of an in- 
dependent stamp Maximilian Harden, Kurt Eisner, L. 
Schwarzschild, Georg Bernhard. 

Since 1933 the German press has been completely 'subordi- 
nated' (gleichgeschaltet). The first to go were the labor news- 
papers, not the Marxist ones merely, but particularly those 
of the trade unions. Der Deutsche the paper which Dr. Hein- 
rich Brflning founded and which he once edited had been 
the organ of the Christian unions; now it was transformed 
into the daily mouthpiece of Dr. Robert Ley, leader of the 
Arbeitsfront (Labor Front). Oddly enough the Jewish-owned 
journals were the ones to retain longest a measure of inde- 
pendence, because they had been sold in time to powerful 
industrial organizations. The Frankfurter Zcitung, for ex- 


may be sacred to man, while they attacked State and gov- 
ernment in the most infamous manner and set great parts of 
the people by the ears, the bourgeois democratic Jewish 
papers knew how to give themselves the air of the well- 
known 'objectivity'; they carefully avoided all strong 
language, well knowing that all empty-heads are able to 
judge all things only according to their appearance and that 
they never have the ability to penetrate into the interior, 
so that for them the value of a cause is judged by the ex- 
terior instead of by the contents ; a human weakness to which 
they fortunately owe also the attention they receive. 

For these people the Frankfurter Zeitung was and is in- 
deed the incorporation of all decency; for it never employs 

ample, had a fairy godmother in I. G. Farben, the chemical 
trust. Religious dailies, many of which had been strong and 
influential concerns, were thoroughly curbed. The editors 
were fired in lots of a dozen. What remained were journalistic 
torsos, which should have been permitted to die a respectable 
death. For a while Colonel Franz von Papen held a jittery 
protecting hand over the Catholic Germania of Berlin, once 
the organ to which all had turned for information concerning 
the views of the powerful Center Party. Then at last the 
miserable remnant of former glories was snuffed out in 1938. 
The Vienna Reichspost, organ of Dollfuss and Schuschnigg, 
collapsed far more rapidly. The provincial newspapers became 
mere reprints of hand-outs from the Propaganda Office. 

The press is the Nazi Party's greatest source of income, 
being a monopoly of tremendous dimensions. The Volkische 
Beobachter is the official paper, but almost every Nazi chieftain 
has a journal peculiarly his own. Particular value is attached 
to the illustrated weeklies, many of which are highly effective 
propaganda media. Every Nazi event is a photographers* 
holiday. During a single Rosenberg speech in 1933, official 
cameramen took 456 flashlight pictures. The Party also main- 
tains a considerable number of newspapers in foreign countries. 


crude expressions, it rejects all physical brutality, and 
always appeals to fight with 'spiritual' means which, 
strangely enough, is nearest to the heart of just the most 
unintelligent people. This is a result of our semi-education 
which detaches the people from the instinct of nature, 
pumps a certain knowledge into them without being able 
to lead them to the ultimate realization, as for this purpose 
industry and good will alone are not useful, but the neces- 
sary reason has to be present, and not only that, it has to 
be inborn. The ultimate realization, however, is always 
only the understanding of the causes of the instinct; that 
means, man will then never fall into the lunacy of believing 
that he has now really advanced to the position of master 
and lord of Nature, which the conceit of a semi-education 
brings about so easily, but he will then understand all the 
more the fundamental necessity of the working of Nature, 
and he will realize how far also his existence is subjected 
to these laws of the eternal battle and struggle in an up- 
ward direction. We will then feel that, in a world in which 
the planets circle around the sun, where moons ride around 
planets, where power alone is always the master of weakness 
and forces it into obedient service or else breaks it, there 
can be no special laws valid for man. For him also the 
eternal principles of this ultimate wisdom apply. He can 
try to comprehend them, but he will never be able to free 
himself from them. 

But it is just for our intellectual demi-monde that the 
Jew writes his so-called intellectual press. For them the 

The Berliner Tageblatt, edited by Theodor Wolff, was the 
paper the Nazis most hated, excepting the much less influential 
Gerade Weg, of Munich. On the day the Party came to power, 
offices of the second journal were smashed to bits and the editor 
Dr. Fritz Gerlich was jailed. He was eventually executed. 
Theodor Wolff escaped from Germany in 1933. 


Frankfurter Zeitung and the Berliner TageblaU are made, 
for them their tone is tuned, and on them finally they exer- 
cise their influence. By avoiding most carefully all forms 
seeming outwardly rude, they nevertheless pour the poison 
from other vessels into the hearts of their readers. Under a 
geseires [Yiddish; from the Hebrew gezera, meaning unnec- 
essary talk] of nice sounds and phrases they lull them into 
the faith as though really pure science or even morality were 
the driving forces behind their activity, while in reality it is 
only the ingenious and cunning art of stealing in this man- 
ner from the hand of the enemy the weapon against the 
press. For while some are dripping with decency, all weak 
heads are the more inclined to believe that with the others 
it is a case of only minor excrescences, which, however, 
should never be allowed to lead to an infringement of the 
freedom of the press (as one calls this nuisance of unpunish- 
able lying to, and poisoning of, the people). Thus one shies 
from proceeding against this banditry, as one fears that in 
such a case one will immediately have the 'decent' press 
against oneself; a fear that is only too justified. For, as soon 
as one tries to proceed against one of these disgraceful 
papers, immediately all the others will take its side, but by 
no means perhaps in order to endorse its kind of fight, Heaven 
forbid ; only the principle of the freedom of the press and 
of public opinion are involved ; this alone has to be defended. 
But the strongest man weakens in the face of this clamor, 
since it comes from the mouth of only ' decent ' papers. . . . 
Thus the poison could penetrate into and work in the 
system of our people without hindrance and without the 
State having the power to master the disease. In the ridicu- 
lous and half-hearted means which it applied against it is 
shown the threatening decay of the Reich. For an institu- 
tion which is no longer determined to defend itself with all 
weapons practically gives itself up. Every half measure is 
then the visible symptom of internal decay which will 


and must be followed, sooner or later, by external col- 

I believe that the present generation, rightly guided, 
will more easily overcome this danger. It has experienced 
several things which were able to strengthen the nerves of 
those who did not lose them altogether. Surely in the 
future, the Jew will certainly raise an enormous clamor in 
his newspapers, once the hand is put on his favorite nest 
and an end is made of the misuse of the press, and once 
also this instrument of education is put into the service of 
the State and is no longer left in the hand of strangers and 
enemies of the people. But I also believe that this will 
annoy us younger ones less than it once did our fathers. 
A 30 cm. shell has always hissed more than a thousand 
Jewish newspaper vipers; therefore let them hiss. 

t A further example for the half-heartedness and the weak- 
ness of the leading authority in pre-War Germany in the 
most important vital questions of the nation can be the 
following: Parallel with the political and moral infection 
of the people went a no less terrible poisoning of the health 
of the national body. Syphilis began to spread more and 
more, especially in the great cities, while tuberculosis was 
steadily reaping its harvest of death almost throughout the 
entire country. 
Although in both cases the consequences for the nation 

This extensive philippic against syphilis is among the most 
interesting passages in Mein Kampf. Much medical or pseudo- 
medical speculation has been built up round about it, with 
which we do not associate ourselves. The essential point is 
that syphilis and Rassenschande (i.e., cohabitation between a 
German and a person of impure blood) are placed on the same 
level. The first can be cured, however. The second i irre- 


were terrible, one could no longer bring oneself to take 
decisive measures. 

Towards syphilis especially one can describe the attitude 
of the national and State authority only with the words, 
complete capitulation. If one wanted to fight it seriously, 
one had to take quite different steps than was actually the 
case. The invention of a remedy of a questionable character 
as well as the commercial exploitation of the latter are able 
to help but little with this plague. Also here only the fight 
against the causes should be considered and not the aboli- 
tion of the symptoms. The cause, however, lies primarily 
in our prostitution of love. Even if the result of this were 
not this terrible disease, yet it would still be of deepest 
danger for the people, for the moral devastation which this 
depravity brings with it are sufficient to destroy a people 
slowly but surely. The Judaization of our spiritual life and 
the mammonization [sic] of our mating impulse sooner or 
later befouls our entire new generation, for instead of vig- 
orous children of natural feeling, only the miserable speci- 
mens of financial expedience come forth. For this becomes 
more and more the basis and the only prerequisite for our 
marriages. Love, however, finds an outlet somewhere else. 

Naturally, one can also here mock Nature for a certain 
time, but the revenge will not fail to appear, it only will 
appear later, or rather, it is often recognized too late by 
the people. 

However, how devastating are the consequences of a 
continued disregard of the natural presuppositions for mar- 
riage can be demonstrated by our aristocracy. Here one 
is presented with the results of a propagation which has 
been based for one part on purely social compulsion, for 
the other on financial reasons. The one leads to weakening 
altogether, the other to blood poisoning, as now every 
department-store Jewess is considered suitable to augment 
the offspring of 'His Highness. 9 The latter then looks like 


it. In both cases complete degeneration is the consequence. 

Our 'middle class 9 takes pains today to walk the same 
way and it will end at the same goal. 

With indifferent haste one tries to pass by disagreeable 
truths, as though by such an attitude one could make these 
things undone. No, the fact that the population of our big 
cities is prostituted more and more in its love life, and that 
just through this it falls victim to syphilis in more and 
wider circles, cannot just be abolished by denying it; it is 
there. The most obvious results of this mass contagion 
can be found on the one hand in the lunatic asylums, and 
on the other, unfortunately, in our children. These es- 
pecially are the sad certificates of misery of the irresistibly 
advancing tainting of our sexual life; in the diseases of the 
children the vices of the parents are revealed. 

Now there are different ways to reconcile oneself with 
this disagreeable, even terrible fact: some do not see any- 
thing at all, or rather they do not want to see anything: 
this is of course by far the most simple and cheapest 'atti- 
tude'; others wrap themselves in a saintly cloak of prudish- 
ness that is as ridiculous as it is also mendacious; they only 
talk of this entire domain as if it were a great sin, and, 
above all, in the presence of every sinner caught in the 
act, they express their deeply felt inner indignation in order 
then to close their eyes in pious disgust towards this vicious 
disease and to ask God (if possible after their own death) 
to rain fire and brimstone upon this Sodom and Gomorrah 
in order once again to make an elevating example of this 
disgraceful mankind ; a third group see very well the terrible 
consequences which this disease is bound to, and will, bring 
with it, but nevertheless they only shrug their shoulders, 
convinced that they can do nothing against this danger, 
anyhow, so that one has to let things go as they are going. 

All this is of course comfortable and simple, only one 
must not forget that a nation will fall victim to such inertia* 


The excuse that the other nations are no better off of 
course can hardly change anything In respect to the fact 
of their own decline, except perhaps that the feeling that 
others also meet with misfortune would bring for many a 
mitigation of their own pains. However, the question is 
then all the more which nation first and by itself is able 
to master this plague, and which nations cannot help per- 
ishing. But that is what matters in the end. This also is 
only a touchstone for the value of a race, and that race 
which does not pass the test will die and make room for 
races healthier or at least tougher and of greater resistance. 
For, since this question primarily concerns the coming gen- 
eration, it belongs to those of whom it is said, with terrible 
correctness, that the sins of the fathers are visited upon 
the tenth generation. 

But this is valid only for the sins against blood and race. 

The sin against the blood and the degradation of the race 
are the hereditary sin of this world and the end of a mankind 
surrendering to them. 

But how truly miserably did the Germany of pre-War 
times face just this one question. What was done in order 
to check the tainting of our young generation in the big 
cities? What was done to attack the infecting and mam- 
monization [sic] of our love life? What, in order to fight 
the resulting syphilization of our national body? 

The answer is most easily given by stating what should 
have been done. 

First, one should not be allowed to take this question 
too easily, but to understand that upon its solution will 
depend the happiness or the unhappiness of generations, 
nay, that it may be or even must be decisive for the entire 
future of our people. Such a realization, however, required 
ruthless measures and interventions. At the top of all re- 
flections the conviction should have been placed that first 
of all the attention of the entire nation has to be concen- 


trated on this terrible danger, so that every single indi- 
vidual becomes conscious in his mind of the significance of 
this fight. One can bring obligations and burdens which 
are incisive, and sometimes hard to bear, to a general effec- 
tiveness only when, apart from compulsion, also the real- 
ization of the necessity of this activity is given to the 
individual. But this demands an enormous enlightenment 
to the exclusion of all current questions which have an 
otherwise deviating effect. 

In all cases which involve the fulfillment of apparently 
impossible demands or tasks, the entire attention of a people 
has to be united uniformly on this one question in such a 
manner as though indeed its existence or non-existence de- 
pended upon its solution. Only thus will one make a people 
willing and able to undertake truly great achievements 
and efforts. 

This principle is valid also for the individual, as far 
as he wishes to attain great goals. He, too, will be able 
to do this only in step-like sections. He, too, will then 
always have to unite his entire efforts on the reaching of 
a certain limited task, until this seems to be fulfilled and 
the marking of a new section can be undertaken. He who 
does not carry out the partition of the way to be conquered 
into single sections, and then tries to conquer them plan- 
fully with sharpest concentration of all forces, one by one, 
will never be able to arrive at the goal, but he will remain 
lying somewhere on the way, perhaps even by the side of it. 
This gradual approach to a goal by work is an art and it 
requires at a time the staking of actually the utmost energy 
in order to conquer the way, step by step. 

This is, therefore, the very first preliminary condition 
which is necessary for the attack on so difficult a part of 
the human way, the condition that the leadership succeeds 
in presenting to the masses of the people just that part of 
the goal which has to be reached, or, rather, which has to 


be fought for, as the one that is now solely and alone 
worthy of human attention, and upon the conquest of 
which everything depends. The great masses of the people, 
anyhow, can never see the whole way before them with- 
out getting tired and without despairing of the task. They 
will keep the goal before their eyes only to a certain extent, 
but they will be able to visualize the way only in small 
sections, similar to the wanderer who also knows and is 
aware of the end of his journey, but who overcomes the 
endless road better if he cuts it up into sections and now 
marches ahead towards each single one, as though this 
were the desired goal. Only thus he advances without 

Thus, by employing all propagandistic auxiliary means, 
one should have made the fight against syphilis appear as 
the task of the nation, not as one task among others. For 
this purpose one should have hammered into the people its 
evils as the most terrible misfortune in its full extent, and 
under application of all auxiliary measures, till the whole 
nation should have come to the conviction that upon the 
solution of this question really everything depends, future 
or doom. 

Only after such a preparation, carried out for years if 

To date the 'extensive propaganda* anent syphilis has not 
been one of the principal achievements of the Third Reich. 
In 1933 strong measures were taken to curb prostitution. 
Under the Republic, the Berlin Department of Health had 
taken the view that all the State could intelligently do was to 
control the health of the street- walker. The changes in the 
law resulted, however, in 40,000 new cases of syphilis within 
a few months (according to an official report). Recently there 
has been a tendency to control the effects of social disease by 
examining persons who wish to marry, especially if they seek a 
loan from the government in accordance with the laws provid- 
ing grants of aid to prospective bridegrooms. 


necessary, will the attention, and with it also the determina- 
tion, of a whole people be awakened to such an extent that 
now one will be able to take very difficult and sacrificial 
measures without running the risk that one will not be 
understood or that one will suddenly be left in the lurch 
by the willingness of the masses. 

For, in order to attack this plague seriously, enormous 
sacrifices and works just as great are necessary. 

The fight against syphilis requires a fight against prosti- 
tution, against prejudices, old habits, against previous 
ideas, general opinions, amongst them last but not least, 
against the mendacious prudishness in certain circles, etc. 

The first condition for only the moral right to fight 
against these things is to make early marriage possible for 
the coming generation. In late marriages alone lies the 
compulsion for keeping an institution which, no matter 
how much one may turn and twist oneself, is and remains 
a disgrace to mankind, an institution which damned badly 
suits a being who otherwise in modesty likes to consider 
itself the 'image' of God. 

Prostitution is a disgrace to mankind, but one cannot 
abolish it by moral lectures, pious intentions, etc., but its 
limitation and its final elimination warrant the abolition 
of quite a number of preliminary conditions. But the first 
is and remains the creation of the possibility of early 
marriage, according to human nature, above all for the 
man; because the woman is here only the passive part, 

However, how erring, even how incomprehensible the 
people have partly become today may be derived from the 
fact that one not seldom hears mothers of the so-called 
'better* society say that they are grateful to find a husband 
for their child who has 'already sown his wild oats/ etc. 
As in this direction there is in most cases less shortage than 
would be the case the other way round, the poor girl 


therefore will fortunately find such a de-horned Siegfried, 
and the children will be the visible result of such a 'sen- 
sible 1 marriage. If one considers that, apart from this, a 
restriction of propagation itself, as far as possible, takes 
place, so that Nature is barred from all choice, as now 
naturally every human being, no matter how miserable, 
has to be kept alive, there remains only the question why 
then such an institution still exists at all and what purpose 
it is supposed to have? Is this then not exactly the same 
as prostitution itself? Does then the duty towards poster- 
ity no longer play any r&le at all? Or does one not realize 
with what curse one burdens oneself, towards children and 
children's children, by such a criminally careless manner 
in the guarding of the ultimate right of Nature and even 
of the ultimate obligation towards Nature? 

Thus the cultured people degenerate and perish gradually. 

Marriage also cannot be an end in itself, but has to 
serve the one greater aim, the propagation and preserva- 
tion of the species and the race. Only this is its meaning 
and its task. 

But if this is true, then its soundness can be measured 
only by the manner in which it fulfills this purpose. Evea 
for this reason, an early marriage is right, as it gives the 
young marriage still that force from which alone a healthy 
generation, capable of resisting, can ensue. Of course, to 
make this possible, quite a series of social conditions are 
necessary without which one cannot think of an early 
marriage. Therefore, the solution of this question, which 
is so small, cannot take place without incisive measures in 

Prior to 1925, the Republic had, it is true, been able to do 
very little towards solving the problem of housing. The end 
of the War not only brought the army back home, but also 
forced into the larger cities a constant stream of refugees from 
territories sundered from Germany by the peace treaties. 


social regard. What importance must be attributed to 
these should be understood most of all in a time when the 
so-called 'social' republic, by its inability in the solution 
of the housing question alone, simply prevents numerous 
marriages and thus favors prostitution. 

The absurdity of our way of arranging salaries, which 
considers the question of the family and its support far 
too little, is also a reason which makes so many an early 
marriage impossible. 

Therefore, one can approach a real fight against prosti- 
tution only if, by a fundamental change of social condi- 
tions, earlier marriage than can take place now is made 

It is sometimes estimated that 1,000,000 persons migrated 
from the regions ceded to Poland. In addition the country 
was overrun with fugitives from Russia and the Baltic States. 
The government had no money; and during the period of in- 
flation the very sources from which revenue might have been 
obtained dried up. But as soon as the Dawes Plan went into 
effect, housing plans of vast dimensions got under way. During 
the four years beginning with 1925, Germany erected more 
homes than did any other European country in the same 
period. There was much argument concerning the character 
of the work done. Socialist municipal governments, often 
committed to family limitation, favored apartment houses; 
Catholic and Protestant agencies, which sought to promote 
'normal' family life, tried whenever possible to erect one- 
family houses. Sometimes, as in Cologne, the expenditures 
drew from critics the complaint that bankruptcy was inevitable. 
Under National Socialism, the trend has predominatingly 
been towards one-family housing. This has been aided by a 
marked tendency on the part of middle-class families to place 
their savings in real property. Yet there is no essential differ- 
ence between 1928 and 1935 in this regard, though such a build 
ing as the huge apartment-house erected in Neu-K6lln. 
Berlin, under the Republic would hardly be erected today. 


generally possible. This is the very first preliminary con- 
dition for a solution of this question. 

In the second place, however, education and training 
have to eliminate quite a series of evils about which one 
hardly cares at all today. Above all, in our present-day 
education a balance between intellectual instruction and 
physical training has to take place. What today calls 
itself a gymnasium is an insult to the Greek example. With 
our education one has entirely forgotten that in the long 
run a healthy mind is able to dwell only in a healthy body. 
Especially when, with a few exceptions, one looks at the 
great masses of the people, this principle receives absolute 

In pre-War Germany there was a time when one no 
longer cared for this truth. One simply went on sinning 
against the body, and one thought that in the one-sided 
training of the 'mind' one possessed a safe guaranty for 
the greatness of the nation. A mistake which began to 
avenge itself much sooner than one thought. It is no acci- 
dent that the bolshevistic wave found nowhere a better 
ground than in those places where a population, degener- 
ated by hunger and constant undernourishment, lives: in 
Central Germany, Saxony, and the Ruhr district. In all 
these districts, however, a serious resistance on the part 
of the so-called ' intelligentsia ' to this Jewish disease hardly 
takes place any longer for the simple reason that the in- 
telligentsia itself is physically completely degenerated, 
though less by reasons of distress than by reasons of edu- 
cation. The exclusively intellectual attitude of our edu- 
cation of the higher classes makes them unable in a 
time where not the mind but the fist decides even to 
preserve themselves, let alone to hold their ground. In 
physical deficiencies there lies not infrequently the first 
cause of personal cowardice. 

The exceeding stress on a purely intellectual training 


and the neglect of physical training favor also in much 
too early youth the formation of sexual conceptions. The 
boy who, by sports and gymnastics, is brought to an iron- 
like inurement succumbs less to the need of sensual grati- 
fication than the stay-at-home who is fed exclusively on 
intellectual food. A reasonable education, however, must 
take this into consideration. Further, it must not forget 
that on the part of the healthy young man the expectations 
of the woman will be different than on the part of a pre- 
maturely corrupted weakling.^ 

Thus the entire education has to be directed towards 
employing the free time of the boy for the useful training 
of his body. He has no right to loaf about idly in these 
years, to make streets and movie theaters insecure, but 
after his daily work he has to steel and harden his young 
body so that life will not find him too soft some day. To 
get this under way and also to carry it out, to guide and 
to lead is the task of the education of youth, and not the 
exclusive infiltration of so-called wisdom. It has also to 
do away with the conception that the treatment of the 
body were the concern of each individual. There is no 
liberty to sin at the expense of posterity and, with it, of 
the race. 

Parallel with the training of the body, the fight against 
the poisoning of the soul has to set in. Our entire public 
life today resembles a hothouse of sexual conceptions and 
stimulants. One has only to look at the menus of our 
movie houses, vaudevilles, and theaters; and one can 
hardly deny that this is not the right kind of food, above 
all for youth. In shop windows and on billboards one 
works with the basest means in order to attract the atten- 
tion of the masses. That this is bound to lead to serious 
damage to youth is probably clear to everyone who has 
not lost the ability to imagine himself in the place of a 
youth's soul. This sensual sultry atmosphere leads to 


ideas and stimulations at a time when the boy ought not 
yet to have an understanding for such things. The result 
of this education can be studied in a not very enjoyable 
way with the youth of today. From the courtrooms events 
sometimes penetrate to the public which permit a horrible 
insight into the inner life of our fourteen- and fifteen-year- 
old youths. Who will wonder, therefore, that even in the 
circles of this age syphilis begins to seek its victims? And 
is it not a misery to see how so many physically weak, and 
also mentally corrupt, young men receive their initiation 
into marriage by a whore of the big cities? 

No, he who wants to attack prostitution must primarily 
help to abolish the mental presupposition for it. He has 
to clear away the filth of the moral contamination of the 
* culture' of our big cities, and this ruthlessly and without 

There is no doubt that one of the sources of Nazi strength 
lies in the sanity of its attitude towards youth as compared 
with the view taken on the whole by German Communism. 
This last had a baneful hedonistic core : the result of the 
fact that it stressed the rights of the masses far more effectively 
than it did their duties. A good many sound people turned to 
Hitlerism because they could not stomach such Communist 
demands as these : free contraceptives, family aid to unmarried 
lovers, and 'week-ends.' However arguable it may be that 
young people without money will not abstain from love rela- 
tionships, it is nevertheless a prevalent belief that society ia 
something more than just an institute for having a 'good time.' 
However sinister the ultimate objectives of the Nazis may be, 
there is no doubt that Hitler's soldier helpers have often in- 
culcated a healthier attitude towards life. 

Unfortunately, the good thus accomplished has in part been 
destroyed again by forces inherent in the Nazi dynamic. The 
Nazi youth organizations take up ao much of the boy or girl'i 
leisure time that little is left for the hearth-side. Moreover, 
the 'anti-bourgeois' doctrine inculcated tends to make th 


hesitating despite all clamor and lamentations which then, 
of course, will be let loose. If we do not lift our youth out 
of the morass of its present surroundings, it will be sub- 
merged in it. He who does not want to see these things 
supports them and becomes thus a fellow culprit in the 
slow prostitution of our future, for the latter lies in the 
coming generation. This cleaning-up of our culture must 
extend to nearly all domains. Theater, art, literature, 
movies, the press, billposters and window displays must be 
cleaned of the symptoms of a rotting world and put into 
the service of a moral idea of State and culture. Public 
life has to be freed from the suffocating perfume of our 
modern eroticism, exactly as also of all unmanly prudish 
insincerity. In all these things the goal and the way have 
to be determined by the care for the preservation of our 
people's health in body and soul. The right of personal 
freedom steps back in the face of the duty of the preserva- 
tion of the race. 

f Only after the execution of these measures can the 
medical fight against this disease itself be carried on with 
some prospects of success. However, here, too, the ques- 
tion involved cannot be that of half measures, but also 
here one will have to come to the most serious and most 
incisive decisions. It is a half measure to allow incurably 
ill people the permanent possibility of contaminating the 

domestic virtues seem tame. Henri Lichtenberger concludes 
(The Third Reich) that 'the gulf between generations, far from 
being bridged, is only becoming greater under the Spartan 
regime installed by Hitlerism.' Moral conditions are often 
deplorable, judged by standards of Christian or bourgeois 
morality. The fact that an illegitimate child, if born of 'good 
stock/ is considered an asset to the Reich seems to have made 
many young girls lose their heads; and an increase in the 
practice of homosexual vice is conceded on all sides. 


other healthy ones. But this corresponds entirely to a 
humaneness which, in order not to hurt one individual, 
lets hundreds of others perish. The demand that for de- 
fective people the propagation of an equally defective off- 
spring be made impossible is a demand of clearest reason 
and in its planful execution it means the most humane act 
of mankind. It will spare undeserved suffering to millions 
of unfortunates, but in the future it will lead to an increas- 
ing improvement of health on the whole. The determina- 
tion to proceed in this direction will also put up a dam 
against the further spreading of venereal diseases. For 
here, if necessary, one will have to proceed to the pitiless 
isolation of incurably diseased people; a barbaric measure 
for one who was unfortunate enough to be stricken with it, 
but a blessing for the contemporaries and for posterity. 
The temporary pain of a century may and will redeem 
millenniums from suffering. 

The fight against syphilis and its pacemaker, prostitu- 
tion, is one of the most colossal tasks of mankind, colossal 
for the reason that it does not involve the solution of a 
single question in itself, but rather the abolition of quite 
a series of evils which, as their consecutive symptoms, 
give the cause for this disease. For the illness of the body 
is here only the result of an illness of moral, social, and 
racial instincts. 

If this fight, by reason of inertia or also cowardice, is 
not fought out, then one should look upon the nations five 
hundred years from now. Then one would be able to find 
only a few images of God, without deliberately insulting 
the All Highest. 

But how, in the old Germany, had one tried to deal with 
this plague? Upon quiet examination there results a really 
distressing answer to this. In the circles of the government 
one certainly knew the terrible ravages of this illness very 
well, though one was perhaps not quite able to visualize 


the consequences; but in the fight against it one failed 
completely, and instead of thoroughgoing reforms one 
preferred to take miserable means. One doctored about 
with the disease and one let the causes be causes. One 
subjected the individual prostitute to a medical examina- 
tion, supervised her as well as might be possible, and in 
case of an ascertained illness put her into some hospital, 
from which, after being outwardly cured, she was let loose 
again on the rest of mankind. 

Of course, one had introduced a 'protective paragraph, 9 
according to which a person who was not quite healthy or 
cured had under penalty to avoid sexual intercourse. This 
measure is certainly right in itself, but in its practical 
execution it fails almost completely. First, the woman, in 
case she is met by misfortune in this way, solely in conse- 
quence of our, or rather of her, education, will in most 
cases refuse to let herself be dragged into the courtroom 
(under accompanying circumstances which are certainly 
often embarrassing) as a witness against the wretched thief 
of her health. Just to her this is of little use; anyhow, in 
most cases, she will be the one who has to suffer most from 
this; because she is hit much harder by the contempt of 
her heartless surroundings than would be the case with 
the man. But finally, imagine her situation if the conveyer 
of the disease is her own husband. Is she to put him on 
trial? Or what else, then, is she to do? 

But in the case of the man the fact is added that he 
unfortunately runs only too often into the way of this 
plague after ample consumption of liquor, as in this state 
he is least in a position to judge the qualities of his 4 beauty ' ; 
a fact that is only too well known to the prostitute who is 
sick, anyhow, and that, for this reason, causes her always 
to fish for men in this ideal condition. But the end is that 
he, disagreeably surprised later on, is not able to remember 
his one-time compassionate benefactress, despite frantic 


reflections, something that must not be surprising in a city 
like Berlin or even Munich. To this is added further that 
the persons involved are frequently visitors from the pro- 
vinces who in any case face the whole humbug of the big 
cities with complete perplexity. 

Finally, however, who is able to know whether he is 
sick or healthy? Do not numerous cases occur where an 
apparently cured person suffers relapses and now causes 
the most terrible evil, without himself being aware of it 
in the end? 

Thus the practical effect of this protection by the legal 
penalty of a guilty infection is in reality equal to naught. 
Exactly the same can be said of the control of the prosti- 
tutes, and finally also the cure itself is still uncertain and 
doubtful even today. Only one thing is certain : the disease 
spreads more and more despite all the preventive measures 
of that time. By this, however, the ineffectiveness of these 
measures is proved in the most striking way. 

For everything that was done besides this was as ridicu- 
lous as it was insufficient. The fight against the prostitu- 
tion of the people's soul failed on the entire line; that means 
more rightly that here one did nothing at all. 

But he who wants to understand this easily need only 
study the statistical basic facts about the spreading of this 
plague, compare its growth during the last hundred years, 
and try to imagine this further development and he 
really would have the simple-mindedness of an ass if then 
an uncomfortable chill did not run down his spine. 

The weakness and the half-heartedness with which even 
then one defined one's attitude towards such a terrible 
symptom can be evaluated as a visible sign of the decay of 
a people. When the energy for the fight for one's own health 
is no longer present, the right of living in this world of strength 
begins gradually to withdraw. 

It belongs really only to the powerful 'whole' and not 
to the weak 'half/ 


One of the most visible symptoms of the old Reich's 
decay was the slow sinking of the general level of culture; 
by culture I do not mean what is called today by the word 
'civilization.' The latter seems to be, on the contrary, 
rather an enemy of true spiritual and living levels. 

As early as before the turn of the century an element 
began to push its way into our att which up to that time 
could be looked upon as entirely alien and unknown. Per- 
haps in previous times errors of taste happened some- 
times, but the cases involved were artistic derailments to 
which posterity at least gave a certain historical value, 
rather than products of a degeneration which was no 
longer artistic at all but rather senseless. Through them 
the political collapse, which later on, of course, became 
better visible, began to announce its arrival in the cultural 

The bolshevism of art is the only cultural form of life, 

Here Hitler states, without philosophical elaboration, the 
doctrine which some groups of German intellectuals accepted 
as a bridge across which the German mind could pass to Na- 
tional Socialism. Civilization means the application of reason 
to life, a process which scored its greatest triumphs while 
Germany was struggling to emerge from the debris of the 
Thirty Years' War Goethe, Schiller, Kant, not to mention 
Lessing and Wieland, are reflections of the Western mind 
rather than original creations of the German soul. Even the 
great medieval Empire was based upon the triumph of Chris- 
tianity. Therefore the patriot prefers to seek out the 'life 
forces,' the irrational impulses, which seem to him more chat- 
acteristic of the German mind. This decision is sometimes 
couched in desperate phraseology: 'When I hear the word 
culture,' wrote Hans Johst (the first official Nazi playwright), 
1 release the safety catch on my revolver.' And F. G. Jtinger 
that half-mad but gifted poet who eventually found Hitlerism 
tale and unprofitable, and went to prison for having indited, 


and the only intellectual manifestation possible to bolshc- 
vism on the whole. 

He to whom this may seem strange should only subject 
to an examination the art of those States which have had 
the good fortune of being bolshevized, and to his horror 
he will observe the sickly excrescences of lunatics or of 
degenerate people which since the turn of the century we 
have learned to know under the collective conception of 
cubism or dadaism as the official art of those States. This 
phenomenon had become apparent even in the short dura- 
tion of the Bavarian Soviet Republic. Even here one 
could see how all the official billposters, propaganda draw- 
ings in the newspapers, etc., showed the stamp of not 
only political, but also that of cultural, decay. 

As little as one could imagine about sixty years ago a 
political collapse of the greatness now arrived at, just as 
little was a cultural breakdown thinkable as it began to 
show itself in futuristic and cubistic representations since 
1900. Sixty years ago an exhibition of so-called dadaistic 

the most violent attack on the Party ever penned inside 
Germany asks, 'Why do we need four walls? One wall is 
enough!' The wall is that against which the enemy is stood 
and shot. But one is not quite sure that J linger isn't being 
ironical. In so far as the philosophers (Klages, Heidegger, 
Baumler) are concerned, this development means a revival of 
certain aspects of early nineteenth-century idealism, with a 
militaristic emphasis. (Cf. Mensch und Erdc, by Dietrich 

Hitler's views, re-emphasized in his Munich art lecture of 
1937, crystallize in the teaching that there is only one art 
German-Nordic art. All attempts to sunder painting, for 
example, into various schools are mistaken. The most impor- 
tant exponent of these views is Professor Paul Schultze- 
Naumburg, who achieved fame when he was appointed director 


'experiences' would have seemed simply impossible, and 
the sponsors would have been sent to the madhouse, while 
today they even preside in 'artists' unions.' This plague 
could not have appeared at that time, because neither 
would public opinion have suffered it nor would the State 
have looked on quietly. For it is an affair of the State 
that means of the government to prevent a people from 
being driven into the arms of spiritual lunacy. For in 
lunacy such a development would end one day. For on 
the day that this kind of art were actually to correspond 
to the general conception, one of the most severe changes 
of mankind would have begun ; the backward development 
of the human brain would have begun with this, but one 
would hardly be able to conceive the end. 

As soon, however, as from this point of view one lets 
pass before one's eyes the development of our cultural life 

of the Weimar Art School after the Nazi triumph of 1930. 
He immediately caused to be removed from the Weimar 
Museum all examples of expressionistic art, on the ground that 
this was an expression of a mankind subnormal from the racial 
point of view. Later on he delivered what was then considered 
a startling address, claiming that race dictated one's response 
to art, and that anyone who found esthetic pleasure in expres- 
sionism was not a German. Schultze-Naumburg contends 
that an artist cannot help reproducing 'the most signal racial 
characteristics of his own figure.' Therefore distortions, as 
practiced by the modernists, imply that the painter or sculptor 
is himself deformed in a racial sense. Many Nazis have ac- 
cepted these teachings with a wry grimace, pointing out that 
on such a basis the museums ought also to be cleansed of 
primitive, Egyptian, Byzantine, and even Italian art. On the 
subject of music, Hitler has been equally categorical: To me 
a single German military march is worth more than all the 
junk of these new musicians these people belong in a 


in the past twenty-five years, one will be shocked at seeing 
how far we already are on the way to this backward devel- 
opment. Everywhere we meet germs that represent the 
beginning of excrescences by which our culture is bound to 
perish sooner or later. Also, we are able to recognize in 
them the symptoms of decay of a slowly rotting world. 
Woe to the nations which are no longer able to master 
this disease ! 

One was able to find such diseases in almost all domains 
of art and general culture in Germany. Here everything 
seemed to have already passed the climax and to hurry 
towards the abyss. The theater sank visibly deeper and it 
would probably have retired completely as a cultural factor 
even then, had not at least the Court Theaters turned 
against this prostitution of art. If one leaves these and a 
few praiseworthy exceptions out of account, the perform- 
ances of the stage were such that for the sake of the nation 
it would have been more useful to avoid visiting them en- 
tirely.^- It was a sorrowful sign of inner decay that one no 
longer might send the young people to most of these so- 
called 'abodes of art,' which was openly and shamelessly 
admitted with the general warning of the penny arcades 
1 Children are not admitted ! ' 

One should consider that one had to take such precau- 
tions in those places which primarily should exist for the 
education of youth and not for the amusement of old blast 
generations. What would the great dramatists of all times 
have said to such a rule and what, above all, about the cir- 
cumstances which gave the causes for them? How would 
perhaps a Schiller have flared up and a Goethe have turned 
away in indignation! 

However, what are Schiller, Goethe, or Shakespeare as 
compared with the 'heroes' of the new German dramatic 
art? Old, worn-out, and outlived, nay, 'conquered' types. 
For this was the characteristic of this time: not that it 


itself produced only dirt; what is more, it sullied everything 
that was really great in the past. This is, however, a 
symptom which one can see always at such times. The 
more villainous and wretched are the products of a time 
and its people, the more one hates the witnesses of a former 
greater time and dignity. But most of all in such times 
one would like to eliminate altogether the memory of the 
past of mankind, in order to disguise thus, by the exclusion 
of every possibility of comparison, one's own trash as 
'art.' For this reason, the more wretched and miserable 
any new institution is, the more will it endeavor to extin- 
guish even the last traces of past times, whereas any really 
valuable renovation of mankind can also continue, with 
an easy mind, the good achievements of past generations, 
even often now tries to make them stand out. Then it has 
no fear to fade perhaps as compared with the past, but 
for its own part it makes such a valuable contribution to 
the general treasure of human culture that often, for the 
very evaluation of the latter, it wishes to keep awake the 
memory of the former achievements in order to secure thus 
all the more the full understanding of the present for the 
new donation. Only he who is not able to give anything 
valuable out of himself to the world, but tries to act as 
though he wants to give it God knows what, will hate 

Yet oddly enough it is precisely Goethe who, by reason of 
his bourgeois background, is today characteristic of the 'civi- 
lization' which the Nazi Revolution discountenances. Some- 
times he has been hated because foreigners relish his poetry; 
sometimes he has been tossed aside scornfully as the 'man 
without a musket.' The first generation of Nazi philosophers 
Rosenberg, Klages still numbered him among the nation's 
great. The second generation no longer reads him. Hauer's 
attempt to make him the 'prophet of the new German religion" 
has failed. 


everything that has already been given and would most 
of all like to deny it or even to destroy it. 
t This may be said not only for 'novelties' in the domain 
of general culture, but also for those of politics. Revolu- 
tionary new movements, the more inferior they themselves 
are, the more will they hate the old form. Also here one 
can see how the striving to make one's own trash appear 
as something leads to blind hatred towards the superior 
good of the past. As long as, for example, the historical 
memory of a Frederick the Great has not died, a Friedrich 
Ebert is only able to create moderate astonishment. The 
hero of Sans Souci is to the former barkeeper of Bremen 
approximately like the sun is to the moon. Only when the 
rays of the sun are gone is the moon able to shine. There- 
fore, the hatred of all new moons of humanity towards 
their fixed stars is only too understandable. In political 
life such naughts usually, if Fate throws the reign tempo- 
rarily into their laps, not only soil and stain the past with 
untiring zeal, but they also withdraw themselves, by ex- 
treme measures, from general criticism. As an example for 
this the protective legislation of the Republic may be 

If, therefore, any new idea, a new doctrine, a view of life 
or also a political as well as an economic movement tries to 
deny the entire past, or wants to deride it and to make it 
valueless, for this reason alone one has to be extremely 
cautious and mistrusting. In most cases the reason for 

This attack on Ebert, first President of the Republic, is 
entirely in the spirit of the conservative opposition, which 
forgot that Ludendorff had said hopefully, 'Ebert will manage.' 
The laws referred to were passed after the murder of Rathenau 
to protect the government and its officials against arbitrary 
attacks from Rightist organizations. Spengler inveighs against 
them in much the same way. 


such hatred is either one's own inferiority or even an evil 
intention in itself. A genuinely blissful renovation of man- 
kind would always and forever have to continue to build 
in that place where the last foundation ends. It will not 
have to be ashamed of using existing truths. The entire 
human culture, as well as man himself, is only the result of 
one long single development, during which every genera- 
tion added to, and built in, its building stones. The mean- 
ing and the aim of revolutions is not to wreck the entire 
building, but rather to take away unsuitable stuff which 
has been badly fitted in and to continue to build on and 
add to the healthy spot that has been made free. 

Thus alone will one be able and allowed to speak of a 
progress of mankind. In the other case the world is never 
redeemed from chaos, as the right of rejection of the past 
would fall to every generation, and with this every genera- 
tion would be allowed, as the presupposition for its own 
work, to destroy the works of the past. 

The saddening fact of the deterioration of our culture 
of the pre-War time lay, however, not only in the complete 
impotency of the artistic and generally cultural creative 
force, but rather in the hatred with which the memory of 
the greater past was soiled and extinguished. In nearly 
all domains of art, and especially of the theater and of 
literature, one began to produce less important novelties at 
the turn of the century, in order, however, to deride instead 
the best old creations and to present them as inferior and 
conquered, as though this period of the most shameful 
inferiority would be at all able to 'conquer' anything. Out 
of this striving to remove the past out of the sight of the 
present, the evil intention of these 'apostles' of the future 
could clearly and distinctly be seen. From this one should 
have recognized that one had to deal, not with certain cul- 
tural intentions, even though they were wrong, but with 
a process of destruction of the basis of culture as a whole, 


and with a ridiculing of sound art appreciation, made 
possible by this and with the intellectual preparation 
for political bolshevism. For if the time of Pericles appears 
incorporated in the Parthenon, so does the bolshevistic 
present in a cubistic grimace. 

In this connection one has also to point to the cowardice 
which again becomes visible through this of part of our 
people which by virtue of its education and its position 
should have been obliged to make front against this cul- 
tural disgrace. Out of pure fear of the clamor of these 
bolshevistic art apostles who most violently attacked and 
nailed down as an old-fashioned philistine everyone who 
did not want to recognize in them the crown of creation, 
one renounced any serious resistance and gave in to what 
seemed inevitable after all. One was seized with genuine 
fear of being denounced for lack of understanding by these 
half-wits or scoundrels; as though it were a^disgrace not to 
understand the products of intellectual degenerates or 
cunning deceivers. These disciples of culture, however, 

The hatred of expressionism which had its roots in 
Nietzsche is bound up in Hitler's mind with admiration foi 
Wagner's writings on art. The composer of Gotierddmmerung 
was a great musician, but he was in some ways a philistine; 
and it was against that philistinism that Nietzsche protested 
bitterly. Speaking in Dresden in 1848, Wagner said: 'What is 
the German thing? It is, it must be, the right thing!' In the 
apotheosis of Germanism which Wagner represents, Chamber- 
lain found a living justification of his theories. And through 
Chamberlain (whom he once met in Bayreuth, and from whom 
he received an emphatic endorsement) Hitler has learned how 
to expound Wagner. In a Wagnerian universe, there is room 
for expressionism ( which the war experience greatly furthered) 
because there is no nakedness of soul in Wagnerianism. There 
is only soulfulness a great quality, but one tinged constantly 
in the damp that rises from the waters of banality. 


had a very simple means to stamp their nonsense into 
God knows how enormous an affair by presenting to the 
astonished world as so-called 'inner experience* any unin- 
telligible and visibly crazy stuff, taking in this cheap man- 
ner the word of reply from the mouths of most people at 
the start. For there was no reason to doubt that this also 
could be an inner experience, but one could doubt whether 
it was permissible to put before the same world the hal- 
lucinations of insane people or criminals. The works of a 
Moritz von Schwind or of a Boecklin were also an 'inner 
experience' at that, of artists endowed with the grace of 
God, and not of fools. 

But here one could so well study the miserable cowardice 
of our so-called ' intelligentsia ' which shuns every serious 
resistance against this poisoning of the sound instinct of 
our people and left it to the people itself to be content with 
this impudent nonsense. In order not to be considered 
lacking in art understanding, one took then every derision 
of art into the bargain in order to become finally actually 
uncertain in the judgment of good or bad. 

Taken all in all, these were signs of a world getting worse 
and worse. 

As a doubtful symptom the following has to be stated : 
During the nineteenth century our cities began to lose 
more and more the character of 'culture places' in order to 
sink to mere 'human settlements.' The weak connection 
which our present-day proletariat of our big cities has 
with its dwelling-place is just the consequence of the fact 
that here really only the accidental local place of residence 
of the individual is involved and nothing else. This is 
partly connected with the frequent change of residence, 
caused by the social conditions, which does not grant 
sufficient time to man for closer connection with his city, 


and partly the cause of this must be sought also in the 
general cultural unimportance and poverty of our present 
cities themselves. 

Still at the time of the Wars of Liberation, the German 
cities were not only few in number but also modest in size. 
The few really big cities were for the greatest part Court 
cities, and as such they possessed nearly always a certain 
cultural value and mostly also a certain artistic picture. 
The few places of more than fifty thousand inhabitants 
were, as compared with cities of the same population today, 
rich in scientific and artistic treasures. When Munich 
counted sixty thousand souls, it began to become one of 
the first German art centers ; today nearly every manufac- 
turing place has reached, if not even exceeded, this figure 
many times, without, however, sometimes being able to 
call its own even the most humble of genuine values. Pure 
collections of flats and dwelling-houses, nothing more. 
How, with such lack of importance, a special attachment to 
these places can originate must be a riddle. Nobody will 
be specially attached to a city which has nothing else to 
offer than what any other city has; one which lacks any 
individual touch and where everything is carefully avoided 
that could even look like art or something similar. 

But, as if this were not enough, the really big cities also 
become poorer and poorer in works of art, in proportion 
with the rising increase in the number of population. They 
appear more and more polished off and they present ex- 
actly the same picture, though on a larger scale, as the 
small and miserable factory towns. What modern times 
added to the cultural contents of our big cities was com- 
pletely insufficient. All our cities feast on the glory 
and the treasures of the past. It takes from the Munich 
of today everything that was created under the reign of 
Ludwig I ; one will be shocked at seeing how poor the addi- 
tion of important artistic creations since that time is. The 


same applies to Berlin and to most of the other big cities. 

The essential thing, however, is nevertheless the follow- 
ing: our present big cities have no monuments, dominating 
the entire picture of the city, which could somehow be 
called the symbol of the time. But this was the case in the 
cities of old, since nearly all of them had a special monument 
of its pride. The characteristic of the antique city was not 
found in the private buildings, but in the monuments of 
the community which seemed destined not for the moment 
but for eternity, for they were supposed to reflect not the 
riches of the individual owner but rather the greatness 
and the importance of the community. Thus monuments 
originated which were suited to attach the individual in- 
habitant to his city in a manner which today seems to us 
sometimes almost incomprehensible. For what he had 
before his eyes were not the miserable houses of private 
owners but the magnificent buildings of the whole commun- 
ity. Compared with them the living house was actually 
reduced to an insignificant object of secondary importance. 

For, only when comparing the dimensions of the antique 
State buildings with the contemporary private houses will 
one understand the overpowering sweep and force of this 
stress on the viewpoint to allot the first place to the public 
works. What today we admire in the wreckage and fields 
of ruins of the old world as the few still outstanding colos- 
Buses are not business palaces of the time but temples and 
State buildings; that means works the owner of which was 
the public. Even in the splendor of the later Rome, first 
place was not taken by the villas and the palaces of indi- 
vidual citizens, but by the temples and the thermae, the 

All this has now been changed. Munich has its Kunsthalle, 
Berlin its new Chancellery and Olympic Village. Millions 
have been spent on such buildings, and unlimited millions 
mav still be poured out. 



staia, circuses, aqueducts, basilicas, etc., of the State; 
that means of the entire people/* 

Even the Germanic Middle Ages maintained this point 
of view, though also under quite different conceptions of 
art as the leading principle. That which in antiquity found 
its expression in the Acropolis or in the Pantheon, now clad 
itself in the forms of the Gothic cathedrals. Like giants 
they stood out over the swarm of small frameworks, wooden 
or brick buildings of the medieval town, and thus they 
became symbols which today still define the character and 
the picture of these places, while at their sides the tene- 
ment-house blocks climb higher and higher. Cathedrals, 
town halls, and grain markets, as well as watch-towers, are 
the visible sign of a conception which ultimately cor- 
responded to that of antiquity. 

But how truly miserable the relation between State and 
private buildings has become today. If Berlin were to meet 
the fate of Rome, then the coming generations could one 
day admire the department stores of some Jews, and the 
hotels of some corporations the most imposing works of 
our time, as the characteristic expression of the culture of 
our days. Compare, therefore, the unfavorable disparity 
that prevails, even in a city like Berlin, between the build- 
ings of the Reich and those of finance and commerce. 

Even the amount of money allotted to the State buildings 
is in most cases truly ridiculous and insufficient. No works 
are created for eternity, but at the most those for the 
momentary need. No higher idea is at all predominant in 
this. The Schloss of Berlin was at the time it was built 
quite a different work from perhaps the new Library in 
the frame of the present. While one single battleship repre- 
sented a value of around sixty millions, hardly half of this 
amount was granted for the first magnificent building of 
the Reich, which was intended for eternity, the Reichstag 
Building. Indeed, when the question of the interior deco- 


ration was decided upon, the 'high' House voted against 
the use of stone, it ordered the walls trimmed with plaster; 
and this time the 'parliamentarians' had acted correctly 
for once: plaster heads do not belong between walls of stone. 

Thus our cities of the present lack the outstanding symbol 
of national community, and hence it is no wonder that 
the community does not see any symbol of itself in its 
cities. This must lead to a spiritual dullness which mani- 
fests itself in practice in a wholesale indifference of the 
present-day city dweller towards the lot of his city. 

This also is a sign of our declining culture and of our 
general collapse. The time is suffocated in petty expedi- 
ency, in other words, in the service of money. Thus one 
must not be surprised if under such a deity little under- 
standing for heroism remains. The present only harvests 
that which the immediate past has sown. 

All these symptoms of decay are ultimately only conse- 
quences of the lack of a certain, commonly acknowledged 
view of life and of the general uncertainty in the judgment, 
and the definition of an attitude towards the various 
great questions of the time, resulting from it. Therefore, 
everything, beginning with education, is half-hearted and 
wavering, shuns responsibility and ends thus in cowardly 
tolerance of even recognized evils. Dreamy humaneness 
becomes the fashion, and by a weak surrender to the ex- 
crescences and in sparing the individuals, one sacrifices in 
turn the future of millions.-* 

How much the general destruction spread is also appar- 
ent when looking at the religious conditions before the 
War. Here too, uniform and effective convictions, through 
a view of life, had long been lost in great parts of the nation. 
In this the adherents, freeing themselves officially from 
the Church, play a less important r61e than those who are 


indifferent as a whole. While both denominations keep up 
missions in Asia and Africa, in order to lead new followers 
to the doctrine (an activity, which, compared with the 
advance of the Mohammedan faith, can show only very 
modest successes), in Europe proper they lose millions and 
again millions of adherents of inner homogeneousness, who 
now face religious life either as strangers or at least walk 
ways of their own. The consequences, especially as regards 
morality, are unfavorable ones. 

Remarkable is also the more and more violent fight 
begun against the dogmatic fundamentals of the various 
churches, without which, however, the practical existence 
of a religious faith is unthinkable in this world of man. 
The great masses of a people do not consist of philosophers, 
and it is just for them that faith is frequently the sole basis 
of a moral view of life. The various substitutes have not 
proved so useful in their success that one would be able to 
see in them a useful exchange for the former religious 
creeds. But if religious doctrine and faith are really meant 
to seize the great masses, then the absolute authority of 
the contents of this faith is the basis of all effectiveness. 
What, then, the customary style of living is for general 

This is the reverse of 'religion is the opium of the people. 1 
Rauschning (cf . his Revolution des Nihilismus) has pointed out 
Hitler's deep respect for the Catholic Church and in particular 
for the Society of Jesus. In this he resembles Auguste Comte, 
who once proposed a liaison between Positivism and Rome. 
Both sundered their admiration from any kind of belief. 
Hitler praises the ability (as he sees it) of the Church to keep 
on resolutely proclaiming an article of faith, however powerful 
the arguments arrayed against it may be. If the nation can 
build dogmas about its new 'myth' and propagate them aa 
stubbornly, it may (so it is thought) give Germany a new faith, 
which the masses will cherish as tenaciously as they have until 
latterly cherished Christianity. 


life, without which certainly hundreds of thousands ol 
well-bred people would live sensibly and wisely, but mil- 
lions of others certainly would not, the organic laws are 
for the State and dogma is for religion. Only by this is the 
wavering and infinitely interpretable, purely spiritual idea 
definitely limited and brought into a shape, without which 
it could never become faith. In the other case, the idea 
would never grow beyond a metaphysical conception, in 
short, beyond a philosophical opinion. The attack upon 
the dogma in itself resembles, therefore, very strongly also 
the fight against the general legal fundamentals of the 
State, and, just as the latter would find its end in a com- 
plete anarchy of the State, thus the other in a worthless 
religious nihilism. 

But for the politician the estimation of the value of a 
religion must be decided less by the deficiencies which it 
perhaps shows than by the presence of a visibly better 
substitute. As long as there is no apparent substitute, that 
which is present can be demolished only by fools or by 

Of course, not the smallest share of the guilt of the 
unenjoyable religious conditions lies with those who burden 
the religious conception too much with worldly things, 

An attack on the Center Party, the official spokesmen for 
which were often priests and prelates. The fact that a Catholic 
Party entered into a coalition with Social Democracy in the 
Reich and in several States was described as a 'betrayal* of 
Christian principles not only by Right radicals with axes to 
grind, but also by a number of wealthy and conservative 
Catholics. As a matter of fact, that collaboration not only had 
the sanction of the highest ecclesiastical authorities in the land 
but was unimpeachable on any basis. The 'liberalism' of the 
'political Catholics' was a favorite shibboleth among Jew 


thus bringing it frequently into a quite unnecessary con- 
flict with so-called exact science. Here the victory will, 
though after a serious struggle, nearly always fall to the 
latter, but religion will suffer serious damage in the eyes 
of all those who are not able to raise themselves above 
purely outward knowledge. 

But worse than all are the devastations which are brought 
about by the abuse of religious convictions for political 
purposes. One can really not proceed too sharply against 
those wretched profiteers who like to see in religion an 
instrument which may render them political, or rather com- 
mercial, services. These impudent liars, however, shout 
their creed into the world with a stentorian voice so that 
the other sinners can surely hear it, but not in order to die 
for it, if necessary, but in order to live better. For one 
single political job they offer the meaning of an entire 
faith for sale; for ten parliamentary mandates they ally 
themselves with the Marxist mortal enemies of all reli- 
gion and for one minister's seat they would certainly 
also marry the Devil, in so far as the latter would not be 
deterred by a remnant of decency. 

If in pre-War Germany the religious life had for many 
an after-taste, this was attributable to the misuse which 
was inflicted on Christianity on the part of a so-called 
1 Christian ' party, as well as to the impudence with which 
one tried to identify the Catholic faith with a political party. 

This substitution was a fatality which perhaps brought 
parliamentary seats to a number of good-for-nothings, but 
injury to the Church. 

The result, however, had to be borne by the whole 
nation, as the consequences of the loosening of religious life 
caused by this occurred just in a time when everything 
began to give way and to change, anyhow, and when the 
traditional fundamentals of behavior and moralitv threat- 
ened to collapse. 


This, too, represented cracks and rifts in our national 
body which might well be harmless as long as no special 
strain occurred, but which were bound to cause disaster 
whenever, by the impetus of great events, the question 
of the inner solidarity of the nation became of decisive 


Also in the field of politics, when looked at with observant 
eyes, there were evils which might and must appear as 
symptoms of a coming decay of the Reich, provided no 
improvement or change were soon brought about. The 
aimlessness of German domestic and foreign politics was 
visible to anyone who did not deliberately wish to be blind. 
The business of compromise seemed to agree most of all 
with Bismarck's opinion that ' politics is the art of the pos- 
sible.' Now, however, there was just a slight difference 
between Bismarck and German chancellors who followed, 
which permitted the former to drop such a remark about 
the nature of politics, while the same opinion out of the 
mouths of his successors was bound to assume quite a 
different significance. For Bismarck only wished to express 
with this sentence that, in order to reach a certain political 
goal, all possibilities may be applied, or, one can proceed 
according to all possibilities; but his successors saw in this 
utterance only the solemn exemption from the necessity of 
having political thoughts or even aims at all. But political 
aims were really no longer present at that time for the 
leading authorities of the Reich; because for this the neces- 
sary foundation of a view of life and the necessary clarity 
on the laws of inner development of political life as a whole 
were missing. 

There were not a few to whom the prospects in this 
direction appeared dim and who castigated the planless- 
ness and thoughtlessness of the policy of the Reich, and 


were, accordingly, very well aware of its inner weakness and 
hollowness, but they were only the outsiders of political 
life; the official authorities of the government passed by 
the observations of a Houston Stewart Chamberlain just 
as indifferently as this is still the case with us today. These 
people are too stupid to think for themselves, and too vain 
to learn which is necessary from others. Thus one sees 
incorporated in almost every councillor of the ministry 
an atom of that eternal truth which caused Oxenstierna to 
exclaim: 'The world is ruled only by a fraction of wisdom.' 
(This is no longer the case since Germany has become a 
republic. Therefore, it has also been forbidden by the law 
for the Protection of the Republic to believe, or even to 
discuss, anything like that. But Oxenstierna was lucky that 
he lived at that time and not in this wise republic of today.) 

As early as in pre-War times, that institution was recog- 
nized in which the strength of the Reich was to incorporate 
itself as the greatest weakness: the parliament, the Reich- 
stag. Here cowardice and irresponsibility presented them- 
selves in a rarely finished type. 

It is one of the greatest thoughtless observations which 
one may hear not infrequently, especially in these days, 
that in Germany parliamentarism 'has failed since the 
Revolution.' By this the appearance is only too easily 
given as though this had perhaps not been the case before 
the Revolution. But this institution can in reality have no 
other effect than a devastating one and this at a time 
when most people, still clad with blinders, did not or did 
not want to see anything. For, that Germany actually 
was crushed was not a little due to this institution, but that 
the catastrophe had not occurred before cannot be con- 
sidered as the merit of the Reichstag, but was attributable 
to the resistance which, still in the years of peace, con- 
fronted the activity of this gravedigger of the German 
nation and the German Reich. 


Out of the vast number of devastating evils which came 
forth from, or were caused by, this institution, 1 will point 
only to a single one which, however, exhibits most of all Ac 
inner nature of this most irresponsible institution of all 
times. The terrible half measures and weakness of the 
political guidance of the Reich in domestic and foreign 
affairs was due primarily to the working of the Reichstag; 
it became one of the chief causes of the political collapse. 

Half measure was everything that in any way was sub- 
ject to the influence of this parliament, no matter how one 
looks at it. 

Half measure and weak was the Reich's policy of alliances 
in foreign politics. While thus one wanted to preserve peace, 
one was bound to drive unresistingly towards war. 

Half measure was furthermore the policy towards Poland. 

The restraint of this passage is noteworthy. Prior to the 
War, the energetic Germanizing of Poland Was fostered by such 
men as Dr. Hugenberg, afterward leader of the Nationalist 
Party and pivot man in the deal which put Hitler in power. 
Disgusted with the failure of the pre-War Prussian government 
to stamp out all Polish opposition, Hugenberg resigned as an 
official, became a director of Krupp, and there made himself 
the systematic mole who ate away the financial underpinning 
of large portions of the German press and then boasted that he 
could make Germany read whatever he wanted it to read. After 
the War he took up the same work anew. Sums gathered from 
Chambers of Commerce, etc., to 'fight Bolshevism' were 
diverted into the purchases of daily and weekly papers until 
Hugenberg, as the controlling influence in the Scherl-Verlag, 
had under his thumb a multitude of German metropolitan and 
provincial dailies. He also acquired UFA, largest German film 
concern, which has more recently become the property of the 
German government. 

After 1922 when the Polish uprisings, intended to wrest 
from Germany more territory than the peace treaties had taken 


One irritated without, however, ever proceeding seriously. 
The result was neither a reconciliation with the Poles nor 
a German victory, but instead enmity with Russia. 

Half measure was the solution of the question of Alsace- 

from her were in full swing Germany was again characterized 
by a resentment of Polish activities which often contrasted 
strangely with efforts to regulate the trade and minority 
problems. The Corridor, a strip of territory separating East 
Prussia from the main portion of the Reich and leading to the 
new harbor city of Gdynia, was considered a major political 
problem, and the fate of Danzig was kept dangling before the 
consciousness of the League of Nations. But when Hitler came 
to power, an attempt was made to counter Polish opposition by 
establishing friendly relations with that country. It was pointed 
out that after all both countries enjoyed the blessings of 
dictatorship. Many predicted that the Poles and the Germans 
would march arm in arm to the conquest of Russia. 

The Poles, however, were playing a difficult and crafty 
game. For a time they appeared to have rather the better of it. 
They kept a protecting hand over the Polish minority in 
Danzig, and at the same time did not relax the pressure that was 
brought to bear on German minority groups in Poland. It was 
the annexation of Austria that first tipped the scales in Hitler's 
favor. Almost immediately there appeared in various parts of 
the diplomatic world a ' memorandum ' purporting to be a plan 
for a 'Catholic group* of States in Central Europe, running 
from Italy through Croatia and Hungary to Slovakia and 
Poland. When the Czechoslovakian crisis was settled by giving 
Hitler what he wanted, the Poles acted quickly, but were unable 
to secure what, perhaps, they most needed a clear route tc 
the South. They did acquire the Teschen region, which is 
doubtless the richest morsel taken from the State once so hope- 
fully created by Masaryk and Wilson. But the inability of 
Slovakia and Hungary to reach a modus vivendi blocked any 
further progress. Most of the inhabitants ceded to Hungary 
changed their allegiance most unwillingly; and on both sides 


Lorraine. Instead of smashing with brutal fists once and 
for all times the head of the French hydra, or granting 
equal rights to the Alsatian, one did neither. (One was not 
even able to do so, because in the ranks of the greatest 

of the new boundaries the strange phenomenon of a National 
Socialism making great headway among the peasants though 
they were Slavs or Maygars completely changed the situa- 
tion. The swastika became a popular symbol. To some extent 
this was due to propaganda, but a more important factor was 
the feeling that under Hitler agriculture would be more prosper- 
ous, Jewry at a disadvantage, and all Leftist theories of social 
improvement for the masses abrogated. 

Poland tried very hard to effect the separation of Ruthenia 
from Czechoslovakia. So far it has failed. Far more significant, 
however, is the fact that the collapse of Prague as a center of 
military strength has radically altered the position of Poland. 
Its major natural resources and its armament manufactories 
are in the West, within range of German heavy artillery. 
Therefore its very good army (many rank its infantry with the 
best in Europe) was left dangling by a thread, and it had 
perforce to seek safety by trying to improve relations with 
Russia. The implications of the Ukrainian question have 
already been discussed, but one may add in addition that 
German control of Czechoslovakia can make this a haven for 
Ukrainian separatist agitators. 

Therefore Poland is imperiled. It is difficult to see why 
Warsaw could desire the dismemberment of the State on its 
southern boundaries, even if Teschen was a rich and long- 
coveted prize. Yet it could hardly be to Germany's advantage 
to threaten Poland with war. The cost of such a struggle, 
in treasure and possibly also in prestige, would not compensate 
for the possible gains, among which reacquisition of the Silesian 
coal and ore fields may be listed. 

After the War of 1870, Alsace-Lorraine was incorporated 
in the new German Empire; it eventually became an Imperial 
domain. The Alsatians did not conceal their desire for au- 


parties there sat also the greatest traitors to the country. 
In the Center Party, for instance, Herr Wetterl6.) 

But all this would still have been bearable if that power 
had not also fallen victim to the general half measures, 
that power on the existence of which finally the existence 
of the Reich depended : the army. 

The way in which the so-called 'German Reichstag' had 
sinned here is enough alone to burden it for all times with 
the curse of the German nation. For the most wretched 

tonomy, which in many cases was more strictly a wish to 
return to France. Bismarck wisely refused to exert untoward 
pressure, believing that after a few generations the feeling 
would die out of its own accord. Nevertheless, he permitted 
himself to be involved in the Kulturkampf, and therewith 
also in ambitious programs for Protestantizing Catholic Alsace. 
The University of Strassburg was the symbol of the 'cultural 
reconstruction* sponsored by Prussia. Naturally the clergy 
now led the opposition, having in Abb6 Haegy a highly gifted 
leader. When the Kulturkampf was over, the Center Party 
took up the task of cementing relationships between Alsace and 
the Reich. It was sometimes sabotaged by the Prussian bu- 
reaucracy and the army (witness theZabern incident of 1913), 
but was none the less so effective on the whole that the vast 
majority of Alsatians fought loyally for Germany during the War 
and afterward became autonomists as a result of their opposi- 
tion to the annexation by France decreed by the Treaty of 
Versailles. Hitlerism abruptly broke off this development, 
although as a result of the Blum policies a new wave of opposi- 
tion arose during 1936. The Abb6 Wetterl6 was the leader of 
those who after the War welcomed enthusiastically the coming 
of the French. 

Very considerable Nazi propaganda efforts were uncovered 
in Alsace, especially in Strassburg, during 1938. The appeal 
seems to have been made on the basis of relative economic 
prosperity. Peasants in particular were induced to believe 
that a millennium had dawned across the Rhine. 


reasons, these parliamentary party rascals have stolen and 
struck from the hands of the nation the weapon of self- 
preservation, the only protection of the freedom and inde- 
pendence of our people. If today the graves of Flanders Field 
were to open, out of them would rise the bloody accusers, 
hundreds of thousands of the best young Germans, who were 
driven into the arms of death, badly and half-trained, due 
to the unscrupulousness of these parliamentary criminals; 
the fatherland has lost them and millions of cripples and 
dead, simply and solely in order to make possible for a few 
hundred traitors to the people, political wirepulling, extor- 
tion, or even the rattling forth of doctrinary theories. 

While Jewry, through its Marxist and democratic press, 
proclaimed to the whole world the lie of German 'mili- 
tarism' and thus strove to incriminate Germany with all 
possible means, the same parties refused any large-scale 
training of the strength of the German people. Thus the 
enormous crime which was brought about by this must at 
once become clear to everyone who even stops to think 
that in case of a coming war the entire nation would have 
to take up arms, that therefore by the rascality of these 
nice representatives of their own so-called 'representation 
of the people ' millions of Germans would be driven towards 
the enemy with bad, insufficient, or half-finished training. 
But even if one does not take into consideration at all the 
consequences of the brutal and rude unscrupulousness of 
the parliamentary panders, brought about in this manner, 
one must nevertheless not forget that the shortage of 
trained soldiers could easily lead, at the beginning of a war, 

The pre-War Reichstag had the power to veto budget ap- 
propriations. It is not correct to say that it hampered the de- 
velopment of the army of the ill-starred navy, though certain 
extreme demands put foward by Pan-Germanists were not 
found acceptable. 


to losing that war, something that happened in the great 
World War in such a terrible manner. 

The loss of the fight for the freedom and independence of 
the German nation is the result of the half measures and 
the weakness carried out even in peace in drafting the 
entire force of the people for the defense of the fatherland. 

t If too few recruits were trained on land, the same half 
measures were at work at sea, so that the weapon of na- 
tional self-preservation was made more or less worthless. 
Unfortunately, however, here the heads of the navy them- 
selves were infected by this poison. The tendency to build 
all ships, on the stocks, always a little smaller than the 
English ships launched from the stocks at the same time, 
waa little farseeing and still less ingenious. A navy which 
from the beginning cannot be brought to the same level 
with its prospective enemy, purely in terms of numbers, 
must try to replace the lack in numbers by the superior 
fighting power of the single ships. It is the superior fighting 
power that matters and not a legendary superior 'quality/ 
which is nonsense as long as it does not express itself in 
fighting power. In fact, modern technique has now ad- 
vanced to such an extent and has arrived at so great a 
uniformity in the various civilized States that it must be 
considered impossible to give to the ships of one power 
a considerably greater fighting value than to the ships of 
the same tonnage of another State. But it is far less con- 
ceivable to attain superiority with smaller displacement 
as compared with a greater. 

Indeed, the small tonnage of the German ships could be 
brought about only at the expense of speed and armament. 
The phrase with which one now tries to justify this fact 
shows, however, a very serious lack of logic on the part 
of the authority which was responsible for this in peace 


times. For one explained that the material of the German 
guns was so visibly superior to that of the British that the 
German 28 cm. gun barrel did not fall behind the British 
30.5 cm. barrel in firing efficiency!! 

But just for this reason it would have been the duty 
now also to change over to the 30.5 cm. cannon, as the goal 
should not have been to reach the same, but a superior, 
fighting power. Otherwise the ordering of the 42 cm. mortar 
would have been superfluous as the German 21 cm. mortar 
was in itself superior to any French high-angled cannon, 
present at that time, but the forts would have fallen also 
before the 30.5 cm. cannon. The leaders of the land army 
thought correctly, but those of the navy unfortunately 
did not. 

The abandonment of a superior effect of the artillery as 
well as of a superior speed was founded entirely in the 
so-called 'idea of risk,' which was basically wrong. The 
heads of the navy, by the very form of its construction, re- 
nounced the offensive and thus necessarily stressed the 
defensive. But with this one also renounced ultimate suc- 
cess, which lies, and can lie forever, only in the offensive. 

A ship with less speed and weaker armature will in most 

It would be difficult to buttress these assertions with facts. 
It is surely not the fault of the Reichstag that the Admiralty 
adopted a type of gun later found inadequate. As a matter 
of fact, not a few Reichstag delegates notably Matthias 
Erzberger were almost pathetic in their efforts to induce 
Admiral von Tirpitz to speed up armament. The development 
of naval aviation was urged in particular. But Tirpitz, who 
did not wish to commit himself to any instrument of war until 
its efficiency had been established, was slow to act. In the 
end he was, of course, found to have guessed wrong. Believing 
that the War would necessarily be of brief duration, he had 
supposed that the British fleet would attack in the North Sea. 
and had not reckoned with the blockade. 


cases be sent to the bottom by the speedier and more 
heavily armed enemy with the firing distance which is more 
favorable to the latter. Quite a number of our cruisers had 
to experience this in the bitterest manner. However, the 
War showed how absolutely wrong was this opinion of the 
heads of the navy in peace time which, wherever possible, 
forced us to change the armature of the old, or to improve 
that of the new, ships. But if in the battle of the Skagerrak 
the German ships had had the same tonnage, the same 
armament, and the same speed as the British ships, then, 
under the hurricane of the better-hitting German 38 cm, 
shells, the British fleet would have sunk into a watery grave. 

Japan at one time had carried out a different policy for 
her navy. There one principally stressed the point of having 
in each single new ship a superior fighting power against 
the prospective enemy. This corresponded to the possi- 
bility of utilizing the navy in the offensive. 

While the leaders of the land][army still kept themselves 
free from such fundamentally wrong trains of thought, the 
navy, which unfortunately was represented * parliamenta- 
rily ' in a better way, succumbed also to the mentality of this 
institution. It was organized by halfway viewpoints and 
was later on also used according to similar ones. What 
nevertheless appeared in the form of immortal glory was 
attributable only to the solid German craftsmanship as 
well as to the ability and the incomparable heroism of the 
various officers and crews. But if the former headquarters 
of the navy had also been up to this in ingenuity, the sacri- 
fices would not have been in vain. 

Thus perhaps it was just the superior parliamentary 
ability of the leading head of the navy in peace time that 
turned out to be its misfortune, since, unfortunately also 
in its structure, instead of purely military viewpoints, 
parliamentary viewpoints began to play the decisive r61e. 
The half measures and the weakness, as well as the scanty 


logic which is the parliamentary institutions 9 own, began 
to tint also the heads of the navy. 

As already pointed out, the land army still refrained 
from such trains of thought, which were basically wrong. 
Especially the colonel in the Great General Staff of that 
time, Ludendorff , led a desperate fight against the criminal 
half measures and weakness with which the Reichstag 
faced the vital questions of the nation, and mostly denied 
them. If the battle which this officer fought at that time 
was nevertheless futile, the fault rested half upon parlia- 
ment, but half upon the, if possible, still more wretched 
attitude and weakness of the Reichs-Chancellor Bethmann- 
Hollweg. But this does not in the least hinder the culprits 
of the German collapse from trying to attribute today the 
guilt to the very man who alone turned against this negli- 
gent treatment of national interests. (One betrayal more 
or less never makes any difference to these born wire- 

He who thinks over all these sacrifices which were bur- 
dened upon the nation by the criminal carelessness of these 
most unscrupulous men, he who leads before his eyes all 
the dead and the cripples, sacrificed in vain, as well as the 
boundless disgrace and dishonor, the unspeakable misery 
which now has met us, and he who knows that all this came 
only in order to open the way towards the minister's seat 
for a crowd of unscrupulously pushing persons and job- 
hunters, will also understand that one can call these crea- 
tures really only by words like scoundrel, villain, rascal, 
and criminal, because otherwise the meaning and the pur- 
pose of the existence of these expressions in the usage of 
the language would be incomprehensible. For, in compari- 
son with these traitors to the nation, every pimp is a gentle- 


But it is strange that all real shadow sides of the old 
Germany caught the eye only whenever by this the inner 
solidarity of the nation had to suffer injury. Indeed, in 
such cases, the disagreeable truths were simply shouted out 
to the great masses, while otherwise one preferred shame- 
fully to pass by in silence many things, even partly to deny 
them. This was the case whenever an improvement could 
perhaps have been carried out by public treatment of a 
question. In addition, the authoritative parties of the 
government understood next to nothing of the value and 
the nature of propaganda. That by propaganda, with 
permanent and clever application, even heaven can be 
palmed off on a people as hell, and, the other way round, 
the most wretched life as paradise, this only the Jew knew, 
who then acted accordingly; the German, or rather his 
government, had not the faintest idea of this. 

This was to take its most serious revenge during the War. 

All the numerous evils of the German life before the 
War, as pointed out here, and others, were set off also by 
many advantages. With a just examination one must even 
acknowledge that, to a great extent, the other countries 
and peoples also called most of our ills their own, and that 

Before the War, Germany had relied in the main on industrial 
rather than investment expansion. Branch plants were es- 
tablished in well-nigh all foreign countries; centers of trade 
influence were built up, often at great cost. When the War 
was lost, it was argued that the friendship which had bound 
the Allied countries together was a consequence of the financial 
ties which existed between them. A favorite thesis has been, 
for example, that Germany's freedom from indebtedness to the 
'bankers 9 had been a great disadvantage, since no one had 
interests at stake inside her boundaries. German Jewish news- 


in many things they overshadowed us by far, while they 
did not possess many of our actual advantages. 

The loremost of these advantages may be said, among 
other things, to be the fact that the German people among 
nearly all European nations still tried most of all to pre- 
serve the national character of its economy, and that, 
despite many evil premonitions, it was least of all subject 
to the international finance control. A dangerous ad- 
vantage, however, which later on also became the greatest 
instigator of the World War. 

If one sets aside this and many other facts, then three 
institutions stand out among the vast number of the healthy 
sources of the nation's power which in their kind presented 
themselves as exemplary as well as partly unexcelled. 

There was first the State form in itself and the dis- 
tinct stamp which it had received in the Germany of modern 

Here one may set aside the various monarchs, who, as 
human beings, could not help being subject to all weak- 
nesses which are usually visited upon this world and its 
children, for otherwise one would really have to despair al- 
together of the present; for the representatives of the pres- 
ent regime, looked upon just as personalities, are perhaps 
mentally and morally the most modest that one is able to 
Imagine, even after prolonged reflection. He who measures 
the ' value* of the German Revolution with the value and 
the greatness of the personalities which it has given to the 
German people since November, 1918, will cover his face 

papermen and pacifists were (so ran the tale) employed to 
weaken the army of the fatherland. While they undermined 
German resistance, their brethren outside stirred up the rest 
of the world against Germany. Doubtless no astute Nazi 
leader has ever credited these hypotheses, which were designed 
for the consumption of the infantile. 


in shame before the judgment of posterity which one will 
not be able to stop from talking by protective laws, etc., 
and which therefore will say what all of us nevertheless 
recognize today, that is, that the brains and the virtues of 
our neo-German leaders are in the inverse proportion to the 
snouts and vices. 

The monarchy was certainly estranged from many, es- 
pecially from the great masses of the people. This was the 
consequence of the fact that the monarchs were not always 
surrounded let us say by the most brilliant, and particu- 
larly not by the most honest, heads. Unfortunately, they 
partly preferred the flatterers rather than the straightfor- 
ward natures, and therefore they were also ' instructed ' by 
flatterers. A very grave evil in a time when the world had 
undergone a great change in many old opinions, a change 
which now naturally did not stop before the judgment of 
many old-established traditions of the Courts. 

At the turn of the century, therefore, the common man 
and human being was no longer able to show special ad- 
miration for a princess clad in a uniform, riding along a 
front. It is obvious that one was not able to imagine the 
effect of such a parade in the eyes of the people, because 
otherwise such unfortunate incidents would probably never 
have taken place. Also, the humane dreams of these cir- 
cles, which were not always quite genuine, had a repelling 
rather than an attractive effect. If, for example, the Prin- 
cess X 'deigned' to taste a sample of the food in a people's 
kitchen with the wiell-known result, it might perhaps have 
looked well enough in former times, but the success at that 
time was to the contrary. In this case one may well assume 
that Her Highness had really no idea that on the day of her 
inspection the food was a little different from that of the 
other days ; but it was quite sufficient that the people knew 

Thus the best possible intention became ridiculous, if 
not actually irritating. 


Descriptions of the always proverbial frugality of the 
monarch, his much too early rising as well as his veritable 
drudgery till late at night, besides, with the continued 
danger of his threatening undernourishment, nevertheless 
caused very doubtful comments. One certainly did not 
want to know what and how much the monarch had the 
grace to take in; one did not begrudge him a 'sufficient 1 
meal; also, one did not set out perhaps to deny him the 
necessary sleep; one was content if as a man and as a char- 
acter he only honored the name of his house and the nation 
and fulfilled his duty as a ruler. The telling of fairy tales 
was of little use, and it was all the more harmful.** 

However, this and many similar things were only trifles. 
But, unfortunately, the conviction that one was ruled any- 
how from above, and that the individual need not care for 
anything further, had a worse effect on very great parts of 
the nation. As long as the government was really good or 
at least had the best intentions, things might be all right. 
But alas! if in the place of the old government, which in it- 
self had good intentions, a new, less decent one, were to 
step in, then the irresolute obedience and the childlike 
faith were the most serious misfortune conceivable. 

But all these and many other weaknesses were set off 
also by undeniable values. 

There was the stability of the entire State authority, 
caused by the monarchistic State form, as well as the 
immunizing of the highest State posts from the turmoil of 
the speculations of ambitious politicians. Further, the 
respectability of the institution in itself, as well as the 
authority caused even by this; finally, the uplifting of the 
body of officials and especially of the army above the level 
of the obligations of political parties. To this was added 
the advantage of the personal representation of the head of 
the State by the monarch as a person, and the example of 
a responsibility which the monarch has to shoulder more 


than the accidental crowd of a parliamentary majority. 
(The proverbial incorruptibility of the German administra- 
tion was primarily due to this.) But finally the cultural 
value of the monarchy was a high one for the German peo- 
ple and it was well able to balance other disadvantages. 
The German monarchs 1 residential towns were still the 
abodes of an artistic sense which nevertheless threatens to 
die out more and more in our materialistic time. What the 
German princes did for art and science even during the 
nineteenth century was exemplary. In any case, the present 
time must not be compared with this. 

t But as the greatest factor of value, in this time of the 
beginning and slowly spreading decomposition of our na- 

Perhaps the German army is rivaled only by the French 
army as an historical institution. Both were developed during 
that heyday of European nationalism which coincided with 
the French Revolution. Both taught discipline, health, con- 
duct. But whereas the French look back upon a national 
history more or less continuous since the days of ancient Rome, 
the Germany of 1913 was still a country of peoples, almost of 
tribes, held together by military leaders. The heroes were 
Frederick the Great, Bismarck, Moltke; and however deeply 
any citizen might resent drill and warfare, he could not escape 
the fact that Germany was the army. 

That is why the abdication of the army in 1918 the trans- 
fer of authority and responsibility to a government without a 
military foundation was so appalling even to the men who 
took up the burden of government. They had suddenly, in 
an hour of demoralizing defeat, to find some principle of unity 
which was not military in character. To have succeeded would 
have meant, not merely the creation of a new Germany, but 
also the creation of a new ideology. And unfortunately most 
of the leaders had to face the fact that the majority of their 


tional body, we have to list the army. It was the mightiest 
school of the German nation, and for no other reason did the 
hatred of all enemies direct itself precisely against this 
protection of national self-preservation and freedom. One 
cannot present a more glorious monument to this unique 
institution than the establishment of the truth that it was 
calumniated, hated, fought, but also feared, by all inferior 
people. That at Versailles the wrath of the international 
exploiters of the nation directed itself primarily against the 
old German army makes it all the more recognizable as the 
protection of the freedom of our people against the power 
of the stock exchange. Without this warning power, the 
meaning of Versailles would long have been executed upon 
our people. What the German people owes to the army may 
be simply summed up in one single word, namely: every- 

The army trained for absolute responsibility at a time 
when this quality had become very rare and the shunning 
of responsibility had more and more become the order of 
the day, starting from the model example of all unscrupu- 
lousness, the parliament; the army further taught personal 
courage in a time when cowardice threatened to become a 
spreading disease, and when the willingness to sacrifice, to 
stand up for the general welfare, was almost looked upon 
as stupidity, and when only he seemed to be clever who un- 
derstood best how to spare himself and to advance his own 
'ego'; it was the school which still taught the individual 

supporters wanted, not something new, but the restoration 
of the old. Not to have foreseen these things was the tragic 
psychological blunder of Woodrow Wilson a blunder which 
was really worse than a crime. Wilson came from a people 
unified, as probably no other people has ever been, by an ac- 
cepted tradition of constitutional law; and he imagined that 
this happy situation could be exported to other lands. 


German to seek the salvation of the nation, not in the men- 
dacious phrases of international fraternity between negroes, 
Germans, Chinese, French, British, etc., but rather in the 
strength and the unity of his own nationality. 

The army taught determination, while otherwise in daily 
life lack of determination and doubt began to govern the 
actions of people. It actually meant something, at a time 
when the super-wise people set the fashion everywhere, of 
keeping up the principle that a command is still better than 
no command. In this sole principle was contained a still 
unspoiled, robust health which would long since have dis- 
appeared from the remainder of our life if the army and the 
education it gave had not provided for the continued re- 
newal of this primordial strength. One only has to see the 
terrible lack of determination of our present Reichs leaders 
who are not able to pull themselves together, unless they 
have to deal with the forced signing of a new dictate of ex- 
ploitation; in this case, of course, they decline all responsi- 
bility and with the speed of a court stenographer they sign 
everything that one may deem fit to put before them, for 
in this case the decision is easily taken: it is 'dictated* to 

The army further taught idealism and devotion to the 
fatherland and its greatness, while life had otherwise become 
the sole domain of greed and materialism. It educated a 
uniform people as compared with the separation into classes, 
and here it perhaps showed its only fault, the institution of 
the voluntary enlistment for one year. A fault for the rea- 
son that the principle of absolute equality was broken and 
the man with a higher education was lifted out of the frame 
of the general surroundings, while just the contrary would 
have been of advantage. With the seclusion from the 
world of our upper classes which was so great even then, as 
well as the always increasing estrangement from their own 
people, the army would have been able to have an especially 


beneficial effect if in its ranks at least it avoided every 
separation of the so-called 'intelligentsia. 9 That this was 
not done was a mistake; but what institution in this world 
is without mistakes? With this institution the good sides 
were predominant to such an extent that the few ills were 
far below the average of human imperfection. 

But the greatest service of the army of the old Reich was 
that, in a time of the general 'counting by majority' of 
the heads, it put the heads above the majority. In the face 
of the Jewish democratic idea of a blind worship of numbers, 
the army upheld the faith in personality. Thus it also bred 
what the newer times need most of all: men. Yes, indeed, 
in the swamp of a generally spreading softening and ef- 
feminacy, out of the ranks of the army there shot up every 
year 350,000 vigorous young men who in two years' train- 
ing had lost the softness of youth and had gained bodies 
hard as steel. The young man, however, who during this 
time practiced obedience, also learned to give commands. 
Even by his step, one recognized the trained soldier. 

This was the high school of the German nation, and it 
was not for nothing that the grim hatred of those who, out 
of envy and greed, needed and desired the weakness of the 
Reich and the defenselessness of its citizens, was concen- 
trated on the army. What many Germans in blindness or 
malicious will did not wish to see, the foreign world recog- 
nized in the German army; the most powerful weapon in the 
service of the freedom of the German nation and the 
nourishment of her children. 

Added to the State form as well as to the army came, as 
the third in the alliance, the incomparable body of officials 
of the old Reich. 

Germany was the best organized and the best adminis- 
tered country in the world. One could well accuse it of 


bureaucratic red-tape, but this was no different in all the 
other States, even rather worse. But what the other States 
did not possess was the wonderful solidarity of this appara- 
tus as well as the incorruptible, honest loyalty of its repre- 
sentatives. Better to be a little pedantic, but honest and 
loyal, rather than enlightened and modern, but inferior of 
character, and, as is frequently shown today, ignorant and 
incompetent. For, if one likes to pretend that the German 
administration of the pre-War time was thought bureau- 
cratically genuine, but bad from the business point of view, 
to this one can answer only the following: Which land of the 
world had a better managed and commercially better or- 
ganized administration in her State railways than Ger- 
many? It was reserved only for the Revolution to destroy 
this model apparatus till finally it appeared ripe to be taken 
out of the hands of the nation and to become 'socialized' 
in the sense of the founders of this republic; that means, 
to serve the international stock exchange capital, the prin- 
cipal instigator of the German Revolution. 

What thereby distinguished especially the body of Ger- 
man officials and the apparatus of administration was its 
independence of the various governments whose political 
convictions were not able to exercise any influence on the 
position of German State officials. Since the Revolution, 
however, this has changed thoroughly. The place of com- 
petence and ability was taken by party conviction and a 
self-reliant and independent character was now an impedi- 
ment rather than an advantage. 

On the State form, the army and the body of officials 
rested the wonderful power and strength of the old Reich. 
These were primarily the causes of a quality which the pre- 
sent-day State lacks completely: the State authority! For 
this does not rest on drivel in the parliaments or diets, and 
also not on the laws for their protection, or on court sen- 
tences for the frightening of impudent deniers of this au- 


thority, but on the general confidence which may and can 
be shown in the management and the administration of a 
community. But this confidence is in turn only the result 
of an unshakable inner conviction of the unselfishness and 
the honesty of the government and the administration of a 
country as well as of a harmony between the meaning of 
the law and general moral views. For, in the long run, 
government systems are not held together by the pressure 
of force, but rather by the belief in the quality and the 
truthfulness with which they represent and promote the 
interests of a people. 

Therefore, no matter how seriously certain evils of the 
pre-War time ate into the inner strength of the nation and 
threatened to hollow it out, one must not forget that other 
States suffered from these diseases still more than Ger- 
many, and that nevertheless in the critical hour of danger 
they did not fail and did not perish. But if one considers 
that the German weaknesses before the War were balanced 
by strong sides which were just as great, then the ultimate 
cause for the collapse can and must be found in still an- 
other field; and this was also the case. 

The deepest and the ultimate cause for the ruin of the 
old Reich was found in the non-recognition of the race 
problem and its importance for the historical development 
of the people. For events in the lives of the nations are not 
expressions of chance, but, by the laws of nature, happen- 
ings of the urge of self-preservation and propagation of 
species and race, even if the people are not conscious of the 
inner reasons for their activitv. 


are statements of truth which are so obvious 
that just for this reason the common world does not 
see, or at least does not recognize, them. At times 
the world passes these well-known truisms blindly and it is 
most astonished if now suddenly somebody discovers what 
everybody ought to know. The ' Columbus eggs ' are lying 
about by the hundreds of thousands, only the Columbuses 
are rarely seen. 

Thus, without exception, people wander about in Na- 
ture's garden; they think they know almost everything, 
and yet, with few exceptions, they walk blindly by one of 
the most outstanding principles of Nature's working: the 
inner seclusion of the species of all living beings on earth. 

Even the most superficial observation shows, as an 
almost brazen basic principle of all the countless forms 
of expression of Nature's will to live, her limited form of 
propagation and increase, limited in itself. Every animal 
mates only with a representative of the same species. The 
titmouse seeks the titmouse, the finch the finch, the stork 
the stork, the field mouse the field mouse, the common 
mouse the common mouse, the wolf the wolf, etc. 

Only exceptional circumstances can change this; first of 
all the compulsion of captivity, as well as any other impos- 


sibility of mating within the same species. But then Nature 
begins to resist this with the help of all visible means, and 
her most visible protest consists either of denying the bas- 
tards further procreative faculty, or she limits the fertility 
of the coming offspring; but in most cases she takes away 
the capacity of resistance against disease or inimical at- 

This is then only too natural. 

Any crossing between two beings of not quite the same 
high standard produces a medium between the standards of 
the parents. That means: the young one will probably be 
on a higher level than the racially lower parent, but not as 
high as the higher one. Consequently, it will succumb later 
on in the fight against the higher level. But such a mating 
contradicts Nature's will to breed life as a whole towards a 
higher level. The presumption for this does not lie in blend- 
ing the superior with the inferior, but rather in a complete 
victory of the former. The stronger has to rule and he is 
not to amalgamate with the weaker one, that he may not 
sacrifice his own greatness. Only the born weakling can 
consider this as cruel, but at that he is only a weak and 
limited human being; for, if this law were not dominating, 
all conceivable development towards a higher level, on the 
part of all organically living beings, would be unthinkable 
for man. 

The consequence of this purity of the race, generally 
valid in Nature, is not only the sharp limitation of the races 
outwardly, but also their uniform character in themselves. 
The fox is always a fox, the goose a goose, the tiger a tiger, 
etc., and the difference can lie, at the most, in the different 
measure of strength, force, cleverness, skill, perseverance, 
etc., of the various specimens. But there will never be 
found a fox which, according to its inner nature, would per- 
haps have humane tendencies as regards the geese, nor will 
there be a cat with a friendly disposition towards mice. 


Therefore also, here the fight amongst one another 
originates less from reasons of inner aversion than from 
hunger and love. In both cases, Nature looks calm and even 
satisfied. The fight for daily bread makes all those suc- 
cumb who are weak, sickly, and less determined, while the 
males' fight for the female gives the right of propagation, 
or the possibility of it, only to the most healthy. But the 
fight is always a means for the promotion of the species' 
health and force of resistance, and thus a cause for its de- 
velopment towards a higher level. 

If it were different, every further development towards 
higher levels would stop, and rather the contrary would 
happen. For, since according to numbers, the inferior ele- 
ment always outweighs the superior element, under the 
same preservation of life and under the same propagating 
possibilities, the inferior element would increase so much 
more rapidly that finally the best element would be forced 
to step into the background, if no correction of this condi- 
tion were carried out. But just this is done by Nature, by 
subjecting the weaker part to such difficult living conditions 

This appeal to the sacred norm of the 'survival of the fittest* 
customary in Pan-German literature had been resorted 
to as well by critics of Socialism. The 'tearful sentimentality' 
of the humanitarians, forever attempting to salvage what had 
better be left to die, is denounced by Spengler and many others. 
But the application of 'fitness' to mating is something else 
entirely, deriving from Plato through a number of intermedi- 
aries some of whom can be sought out in modern anti-Semitic 
literature. There are considerable differences. Thus, Ludwig 
Schemann thinks that Nature does not mean the same thing 
by 'fitness* that man does, and that therefore any vigorous re- 
course to eugenics except in so far as purely negative matters 
(health, etc.) are concerned would prove impossible and 
impractical. Others have gone the whole way and advocated 
rigid public regulation of procreation. 


that even by this the number is restricted, and finally by 
preventing the remainder, without choice, from increasing, 
but by making here a new and ruthless choice, according 
to strength and health. 

Just as little as Nature desires a mating between weaker 
individuals and stronger ones, far less she desires the mix- 
ing of a higher race with a lower one, as in this case her en- 
tire work of higher breeding, which has perhaps taken hun- 
dreds of thousands of years, would tumble at one blow. -4- 

Historical experience offers countless proofs of this. It 
shows with terrible clarity that with any mixing of the 
blood of the Aryan with lower races the result was the end 
of the culture-bearer. North America, the population of 
which consists for the greatest part of Germanic elements 
which mix only very little with the lower, colored races 
displays a humanity and a culture different from those of 
Central and South America, where chiefly the Romanic 
immigrants have sometimes mixed with the aborigines on a 
large scale. By this example alone one may clearly and dis- 
tinctly recognize the influence of the race mixture. The 
Germanic of the North American continent, who has re- 
mained pure and less intermixed, has become the master of 
that continent, he will remain so until he, too, falls victim 
to the shame of blood-mixing. 

f The result of any crossing, in brief, is always the follow- 

(a) Lowering of the standard of the higher race, 

(&) Physical and mental regression, and, with it, the be- 
ginning of a slowly but steadily progressive lingering ill- 

To bring about such a development means nothing less 
than sinning against the will of the Eternal Creator. 

This action, then, is also rewarded as a sin. 

Man, by trying to resist this iron logic of Nature, be- 
comes entangled in a fight against the principles to which 


alone he, too, owes his existence as a human being. Thus 
his attack is bound to lead to his own doom. 

Of course, now comes the typically Jewish, impudent, 
but just as stupid, objection by the modern pacifist: 'Man 
conquers Nature!' 

Millions mechanically and thoughtlessly repeat this 
Jewish nonsense, and in the end they imagine that they 
themselves represent a kind of conqueror of Nature; 
whereas they have no other weapon at their disposal but 
an 'idea,' and such a wretched one at that, so that accord- 
ing to it no world would be conceivable. 

But quite apart from the fact that so far man has never 
conquered Nature in any affair, but that at the most he gets 
hold of and tries to lift a flap of her enormous, gigantic veil 
of eternal riddles and secrets, that in reality he does not 
'invent' anything but only discovers everything, that he 
does not dominate Nature, but that, based on the know- 
ledge of a few laws and secrets of Nature, he has risen to 
the position of master of those other living beings lacking 

The argument has been put another way by Professor Carl 
Schmitt (cited by Kolnai) : 'A universal organization in which 
there is no place for warlike preservation and destruction of 
human life would be neither a State nor an Empire : it would lose 
all political character/ Yet this is not Jewish but Christian 
teaching that is under criticism. Cardinal Faulhaber, meeting 
the objection that the Old Testament is filled with 'hymns of 
hate/ responded that Christianity had indeed changed those 
hymns into canticles of love, and added: 'There is no alterna- 
tive: either we are disciples of Christ, or we lapse into the 
Judaism of antiquity with its hymns of hate/ The letter which 
the evangelical churches addressed to Hitler in June, 1936, 
contained these words: 'When blood, race, creed, nationality 
and honor are thus raised to the rank of qualities that guarantee 
eternity, the Evangelical Christian is bound, by the first 
commandment, to reject the assumption/ 


this knowledge; but quite apart from this, an idea cannot 
conquer the presumptions for the origin and the existence 
of mankind, as the idea itself depends only on man. With- 
out men there is no human 'idea' in this world; thus the 
idea is always caused by the presence of men, and, with it, 
of all those laws which created the presumptions for this 

And not only that! Certain ideas are even tied to cer- 
tain men. This can be said most of all of just such thoughts 
the content of which has its origin, not in an exact scientific 
truth, but rather in the world of feeling, or, as one usually 
expresses oneself so nicely and 'clearly' today, which re- 
flects an 'inner experience.' All these ideas, which have 
nothing to do with clear logic in itself, but which represent 
mere expressions of feelings, ethical conceptions, etc., are 
tied to the existence of those men to whose spiritual force 
of imagination and creation they owe their own existence. 
But precisely in this case the preservation of these certain 
races and men is the presumption for the existence of these 
'ideas/ For example, he who actually desires, with all his 
heart, the victory of the pacifistic idea in this world would 
have to stand up, with all available means, for the conquest 
of the world by the Germans; for if it should come about the 
other way round, then, with the last German, the last 
pacifist would die off, as the other part of the world has 
hardly ever been taken in so deeply by this nonsense, ad- 
verse to nature and to reason, as unfortunately our own 
people. Therefore, whether one wanted to or not, if one 
had the serious will, one would have to decide to wage war in 
order to arrive at pacifism. This and nothing else was what 
the American world-redeemer Wilson wanted to have done, 
at least our German visionaries believed in this. With this, 
then, the purpose was fulfilled.-* 

Indeed, the pacifist-humane idea is perhaps quite good 
whenever the man of the highest standard has previously 


conquered and subjected the world to a degree that makes 
him the only master of this globe. Thus the idea is more and 
more deprived of the possibility of a harmful effect in the 
measure in which its practical application becomes rare and 
finally impossible. Therefore, first fight, and then one may 
see what can be done. In the other case, mankind has passed 
the climax of its development, and the end is not the rule of 
some ethical 'idea/ but barbarism, and, in consequence, 
chaos. Naturally, here the one or the other may laugh, but 
this planet has driven on its course through the ether for 
millions of years without men, and the day may come when 
it will do so again, if people forget that they owe their higher 
existence, not to the ideas of some crazy ideologists, but to 

The foregoing passages are derived in the main from Houston 
Stewart Chamberlain, but with nuances that suggest the 
influence of Rosenberg, or at least of the Free Corps which 
imported so much militaristic anti-Semitism into Germany 
after the War. For Chamberlain the moral superiority of the 
'Aryan* is undeniable; and therefore, if humanity is not to 
decline morally, it must hope for the victory of the 'Aryan* 
over lesser peoples. But Chamberlain is quite honest: for him 
a ' German ' and an ' Aryan ' are the same thing. He was bitterly 
disappointed when 1918 seemed to mean perpetual moral de- 
gradation for the human race. In his famous letter to Hitler, 
following their meeting in 1923, he wrote, therefore: 4 At one 
blow you have transformed the state my soul was in. Ger- 
many's vitality is proved if in this hour of its deepest need it 
can produce a Hitler/ Perhaps the basis of this attitude as a 
whole must be sought in those fears of an eventual 'war be- 
tween races' which were aired as early as the eighteenth cen- 
tury, but reached a kind of apogee during the nineteenth. 
Then the inferiority of the 'colored races ' was taken for granted, 
though the interest taken in a newly discovered Indian litera- 
ture, ascribed in theory to an ' Indo-Germanic invasion 9 of 
Asia, tended to make many place the Brahmins on a somewhat 


the knowledge and the ruthless application of Nature's 
brazen laws. 

Everything that today we admire on this earth science 
and art, technique and inventions is only the creative 
product of a few peoples and perhaps originally of one race. 
On them now depends also the existence of this entire cul- 
ture. If they perish, then the beauty of this earth sinks 
into the grave with them. 

t No matter how much the soil, for instance, is able to in- 
fluence the people, the result will always be a different one, 
according to the races under consideration. The scanty 
fertility of a living space may instigate one race towards 
the highest achievements, while with another race this may 
only become the cause for the most dire poverty and ulti- 
mate malnutrition with all its consequences. The inner dis- 
position of the peoples is always decisive for the way in 
which outward influences work themselves out. What leads 
one people to starvation, trains the other for hard work. 

All great cultures of the past perished only because the 
originally creative race died off through blood-poisoning. 

The ultimate cause of such a decline was always the for- 
getting that all culture depends on men and not the re- 
verse; that means, that in order to save a certain culture the 
man who created it has to be saved. But the preservation 
is bound to the brazen law of necessity and of the right of 
the victory of the best and the strongest in this world. 

higher level. Later on the 'negroid characteristics' of the 
Mediterranean races were stressed by Pan-German writers. 
The Latin, the Catholic, was of highly questionable value. 
The Germanic Aryan had a right to dominate, and eventually 
he surely would. After the War the stress was shifted to the 
Jew, partly because French 'inferiority' had not been satis- 
factorily demonstrated, after all, and partly because the Free 
Corps encouraged the view that Jewry was responsible for 
Germany's acquiescence in Allied demands. 


He who wants to live should fight, therefore, and he who 
does not want to battle in this world of eternal struggle does 
not deserve to be alive. 

Even if this were hard, this is the way things are. But 
it is certain that by far the hardest fate is the fate which 
meets that man who believes he can 'conquer' Nature, and 
yet, in truth, only seems to mock her. Misery, distress, and 
diseases are then her answer! 

The man who misjudges and disdains the laws of race 
actually forfeits the happiness that seems destined to be his. 
He prevents the victorious march of the best race and with 
it also the presumption for all human progress, and in con- 
sequence he will remain in the domain of the animal's help- 
less misery, burdened with the sensibility of man. 

It is a futile enterprise to argue which race or races were 
the original bearers of human culture and, with it, the ac- 
tual founders of what we sum up with the word 'mankind.' 
It is simpler to put this question to oneself with regard to 
the present, and here the answer follows easily and dis- 
tinctly. What we see before us of human culture today, the 
results of art, science, and techniques, is almost exclusively 
the creative product of the Aryan. But just this fact admits 
of the not unfounded conclusion that he alone was the 
founder of higher humanity as a whole, thus the prototype 

This idyl of 'Aryan ' pre-history is interesting because of the 
definition of 'culture' that is involved. For 'culture' in this 
sense is once again become the principal concern of Europe. 
The 'Aryan' succeeds in pushing his way onward and upward 
by conquering lesser peoples and using them as 'helping forces' 
(slaves). Then, however, master and slave intermarry, and 
tho ' culture ' decays. Perhaps this is only an analogy borrowed 
from some pictorial history of European colonizing effort: 
perhaps it is more philosophical. Spengler had taught in 


of what we understand by the word 'man.' He is the 
Prometheus of mankind, out of whose bright forehead 
springs the divine spark of genius at all times, forever re- 
kindling that fire which in the form of knowledge lightened 
up the night of silent secrets and thus made man climb the 
path towards the position of master of the other beings on 
this earth. Exclude him and deep darkness will again fall 
upon the earth, perhaps even, after a few thousand years, 
human culture would perish and the world would turn 
into a desert. -4- 

If one were to divide mankind into three groups: culture- 
founders, culture-bearers, and culture-destroyers, then, as 
representative of the first kind, only the Aryan would come 
in question. It is from him that the foundation and the 
walls of all human creations originate, and only the external 
form and color depend on the characteristics of the various 
peoples involved. He furnishes the gigantic building-stones 
and also the plans for all human progress, and only the exe- 
cution corresponds to the character of the people and races 
in the various instances. In a few decades, for instance, the 
entire east of Asia will call a culture its own, the ultimate 
bases of which will be Hellenic spirit and Germanic tech- 
nique, just as is the case with us. Only the external form 
will (at least partly) bear the features of Asiatic character. 
It is not the case, as some people claim, that Japan adds 
European techniques to her culture, but European science 
and techniques are trimmed with Japanese characteristics. 

the Decline of the West that cultures arise and fall cyclically; 
and Hitler here provides a convenient illustration of why 
they fall. Therewith the riddle proposed by Spengler is solved; 
the 'culture-making' folk is that which, obeying the law that 
only the fittest survive, embarks on conquest and exploitation; 
and the 'culture-destroying folk 9 is the slave breed which 
tempts the aristocratic group into intermarriage. This i 
Nietzsche materialized. 


But the basis of actual life is no longer the special Japanese 
culture, although it determines the color of life (because out- 
wardly, in consequence of its inner difference, it is more 
visible to European eyes), but it is the enormous scientific 
and technical work of Europe and America, that is, of 
Aryan peoples. Based on these achievements alone the 
East is also able to follow general human progress. This 
creates the basis for the fight for daily bread, it furnishes 
weapons and tools for it, and only the external makeup is 
gradually adapted to Japanese life. 

But if, starting today, all further Aryan influence upon 
Japan should stop, and supposing that Europe and America 
were to perish, then a further development of Japan's 
present rise in science and technology could take place for a 
little while longer; but in the time of a few years the source 
would dry out, Japanese life would gain, but its culture 
would stiffen and fall back into the sleep out of which it was 
startled seven decades ago by the Aryan wave of culture. 
Therefore, exactly as the present Japanese development 
owes its life to Aryan origin, thus also in the dim past 
foreign influence and foreign spirit were the awakener of the 
Japanese culture. The best proof of this is the fact that the 
latter stiffened and became completely paralyzed later on. 
This can only happen to a people when the originally crea- 
tive race nucleus was lost, or when the external influence, 
which gave the impetus and the material for the first de- 
velopment in the cultural field, was lacking later on. But 
if it is ascertained that a people receives, takes in, and works 
over the essential basic elements of its culture from other 
races, and if then, when a further external influence is lack- 
ing, it stiffens again and again, then one can perhaps call 
such a race a 'culture-bearing' one but never a 'culture-cre- 
ating' one. 

An examination of the various peoples from this view- 
point evidences the fact that in nearly all cases one has to 


deal, not with originally culture-creating, but rather always 
with culture-supporting peoples. 

It is always about the following picture of their develop- 
ment that presents itself: 

Aryan tribes (often in a really ridiculously small number 
of their own people) subjugate foreign peoples, and now, 
stimulated by the special living conditions of the new terri- 
tory (fertility, climatic conditions, etc.) and favored by the 
mass of the helping means in the form of people of inferior 
kind now at their disposal, they develop the mental and 
organizatory abilities, slumbering in them. Often, in the 
course of a few millenniums or even centuries, they create 
cultures which originally completely bear the inner features 
of their character, adapted to the already mentioned special 
qualities of the soil as well as of the subjected people. 
Finally, however, the conquerors deviate from the purity of 
their blood which they maintained originally, they begin to 
mix with the subjected inhabitants and thus they end their 
own existence; for the fall of man in Paradise has always 
been followed by expulsion from it. 

f Often, after a thousand and more years, the last visible 
trace of the one-time overlords is shown in the fairer com- 
plexion which their blood has left, in the form of the color, 
to the subjected race, and in a petrified culture which they 
had founded as the original creators. For, just as the actual 
and spiritual conqueror lost himself in the blood of the sub- 
jected, thus also the fuel for the torch of human culture 
progress was lost! As through the blood the color of the 
former masters keeps a faint glimmer as a memory of them, 
thus also the night of the cultural life is faintly brightened 
by the creations that remained of the erstwhile bearers of 
light. These now shone through all the barbarism that has 
returned, and in the thoughtless observer of the moment 
they awaken only too frequently the opinion that he sees 
the picture of the present people, whereas it is only the mir- 
ror of the past at which he is looking. 


Then it may happen that such a people for a second time, 
nay, even more often in the life of its history, comes into 
touch with the race of its one-time suppliers of culture, 
without a memory of former meetings necessarily being 
present. The remainder of the blood of the one-time mas- 
ters will unconsciously turn to the new apparition, and what 
first was only possible by compulsion will now succeed with 
the help of their own will. Then a new culture wave makes 
its entrance and lasts until its bearers have once more been 
submerged in the blood of foreign peoples. 

It will be the task of a future culture and world history 
to make researches in this sense and not to suffocate by re- 
flecting external facts, as this is unfortunately only too 
often the case with our present science of history. 

Merely from this sketch of the development of ' culture- 
bearing' nations results also the picture of the origin, the 
work, and the decline of the true culture-creators of this 
globe, the Aryans themselves. 

Just as in daily life the so-called genius requires a special 

No definition of the word 'Aryan* is acceptable. German 
lexicographers were hard pressed to hit upon an accurate 
description. The term itself is probably of Sanskrit origin, 
and seems to have meant 'friends/ It was next assumed that 
these 'friends' were Indo-Germans, who (it was further as- 
sumed) had invaded India and subjugated the 'lesser breeds/ 
Finally 'Aryan* became just a synonym for 'Indo-German.' 
The 1931 edition of the encyclopedia Der grosse Herder said: 
'Recently some have used (ethnologically, in an incorrect way) 
'Aryan* to indicate Indo-Germans in general. In this case, 
the term is used as in the nature of a slogan in the struggle 
over the self-determination and preservation of our race against 
Jewry, which is of a different order.' For this and similar 
definitions (surely discreet enough), the earlier volumes of this 
encyclopedia were ordered withdrawn from circulation. In 
practice the word is officially used today as a racial term 


cause, often even a real impetus in order to be made con- 
spicuous, the same is also the case with the ingenious race 
in the life of the peoples. In the monotony of everyday life 
even important people often seem unimportant and they 
hardly stand out over the average of their surroundings; 
but as soon as they are faced by a situation in which others 
would despair or go wrong, out of the plain average child 
the ingenious nature grows visibly, not infrequently to the 
astonishment of all those who hitherto had an opportunity 
to observe him, who had meanwhile grown up in the small- 
ness of bourgeois life, and therefore, in consequence of this 
process, the prophet has rarely any honor in his own coun- 
try. Never is there a better opportunity to observe this 
than during war. In the hours of distress, when others de- 
spair, out of apparently harmless children, there shoot sud- 
denly heroes of death-defying determination and icy cool- 
ness of reflection. If this hour of trial had never come, then 
hardly anyone would ever have been able to guess that a 
young hero is hidden in the beardless boy. Nearly always 
such an impetus is needed in order to call genius into action. 

excluding Jews and negroes. The second are frowned upon 
because (i.a.) they are admitted into the French army; and 
because, it is hoped, sympathy for the Nazi cause may be 
thus awakened among Southerners in the United States. 
Delegations of 'Brahmins 1 have, however, been cordially 
welcomed to the New Germany. 

Parallels to this can be found in the writings of Pan-Germans 
like Heinrich Class and Count Reventlow. In an address 
delivered during 1932, Hitler declared; 'Let them call us in- 
human! If we save Germany, we shall have done the greatest 
deed in the world. Let them call us unjust! If we save Ger- 
many, we shall have repaired the greatest injustice in the 
world. Let them say that we are without morality! If our 
people is saved, we shall have paved the way for morality!' 


Fate's hammer stroke, which then throws the one to the 
ground, suddenly strikes steel in another, and while now the 
shell of everyday life is broken, the erstwhile nucleus lies 
open to the eyes of the astonished world. The latter now re- 
sists and does not want to believe that the apparently 
'identical' kind is now suddenly supposed to be a 'differ- 
ent' being; a process which repeats itself with every eminent 
human being. 

Although an inventor, for instance, establishes his fame 
only on the day of his invention, one must not think that 
perhaps his genius in itself had entered the man only just 
at this hour, but the spark of genius will be present in the 
forehead of the truly creatively gifted man from the hour of 
his birth, although for many years in a slumbering condi- 
tion and therefore invisible to the rest of the world. But 
some day, through an external cause or impetus of some 
kind, the spark becomes fire, something that only then be- 
gins to stir the attention of other people. The most stupid 
of them believe now in all sincerity that the person in ques- 
tion has just become 'clever,' whereas in reality they them- 
selves now begin at last to recognize his greatness; for true 
genius is always inborn and never acquired by education or, 
still less, by learning. 

This, however, may be said, as already stressed, not only 
for the individual man, but also for the race.-*- Creatively 
active peoples are creatively gifted from the very bottom 
and forever, although this may not be recognizable to the 
eyes of the superficial observer. Here, too, external recogni- 
tion is always only possible as a consequence of accom- 
plished facts, as the rest of the world is not able to recognize 
genius in itself, but sees only its visible expressions in the form 
of inventions, discoveries, buildings, pictures, etc. ; but even 
here it often takes a long time till it is able to struggle 
through to this knowledge. Exactly as in the life of the in- 
dividual important man his genius or extraordinary ability 


strives towards its practical realization only when urged on 
by special occasions, thus also in the life of the peoples the 
real use of creative forces and abilities that are present 
can take place only when certain presumptions invite to 

We see this most clearly in that race that cannot help 
having been, and being, the supporter of the development 
of human culture the Aryans. As soon as Fate leads them 
towards special conditions, their latent abilities begin to 
develop in a more and more rapid course and to mold them- 
selves into tangible forms. The cultures which they found 
in such cases are nearly always decisively determined by the 
available soil, the climate, and by the subjected people. 
The latter, however, is the most decisive of all factors. The 
more primitive the technical presumptions for a cultural 
activity are, the more necessary is the presence of human 
auxiliary forces which then, collected and applied with the 
object of organization, have to replace the force of the ma- 
chine. Without this possibility of utilizing inferior men, the 
Aryan would never have been able to take the first steps 
towards his later culture; exactly as, without the help of 
various suitable animals which he knew how to tame, he 
would never have arrived at a technology which now allows 
him to do without these very animals. The words 'Der 
Mohr hoi seine Schuldigkeit getan, er kann gehen' [The Moor 
has done his duty, he may go] has unfortunately too deep a 
meaning. For thousands of years the horse had to serve man 
and to help in laying the foundations of a development 
which now, through the motor-car, makes the horse itself 
superfluous. In a few years it will have ceased its activity, 
but without its former co-operation man would hardly 
have arrived at where he stands today. 

Therefore, for the formation of higher cultures, the exist- 
ence of inferior men was one of the most essential presump- 
tions, because they alone were able to replace the lack of 


technical means without which a higher development is un- 
thinkable. The first culture of mankind certainly depended 
less on the tamed animal, but rather on the use of inferior 

Only after the enslavement of subjected races, the same 
fate began to meet the animals, and not vice versa, as many 
would like to believe. For first the conquered walked be- 
hind [in later editions read : before] the plow and after 
him, the horse. Only pacifist fools can again look upon 
this as a sign of human baseness, without making clear 
to themselves that this development had to take place 
in order to arrive finally at that place from where today 
these apostles are able to sputter forth their drivel into the 

The progress of mankind resembles the ascent on an end- 
less ladder; one cannot arrive at the top without first hav- 
ing taken the lower steps. Thus the Aryan had to go the 
way which reality showed him and not that of which the 
imagination of a modern pacifist dreams. The way of real- 
ity, however, is hard and difficult, but it finally ends where 
the other wishes to bring mankind by dreaming, but un- 
fortunately removes it from, rather than brings it nearer to, it. 

Therefore, it is no accident that the first cultures origi- 
nated in those places where the Aryan, by meeting lower 
peoples, subdued them and made them subject to his will. 
They, then, were the first technical instrument in the serv- 
ice of a growing culture. 

With this the way that the Aryan had to go was clearly 
lined out. As a conqueror he .subjected the lower peoples 
and then he regulated their practical ability according to 
his command and his will and for his aims. But while he 
thus led them towards a useful, though hard activity, he 
not only spared the lives of the subjected, but perhaps he 
even gave them a fate which was better than that of their 
former so-called ' freedom/ As long as he kept up ruthlessly 


the master's standpoint, he not only really remained 'mas- 
ter* but also the preserver and propagator of the culture. 
For the latter was based exclusively on his abilities, and, 
with it, on his preservation in purity. But as soon as the 
subjected peoples themselves began to rise (probably) and 
approached the conqueror linguistically, the sharp separat- 
ing wall between master and slave fell. The Aryan gave up 
the purity of his blood and therefore he also lost his place 
in the Paradise which he had created for himself. He be- 
came submerged in the race-mixture, he gradually lost his 
cultural ability more and more, till at last not only mentally 
but also physically he began to resemble more the sub- 
jected and aborigines than his ancestors. For some time he 
may still live on the existing cultural goods, but then petri- 
faction sets in, and finally oblivion. 

In this way cultures and realms collapse in order to make 
room for new formations. 

The blood-mixing, however, with the lowering of the 
racial level caused by it, is the sole cause of the dying-off 
of old cultures; for the people do not perish by lost wars, 
but by the loss of that force of resistance which is contained 
only in the pure blood. 

All that is not race in this world is trash. 

All world historical events, however, are only the expres- 
sion of the races' instinct of self-preservation in its good or 
in its evil meaning. 

That is, security is better than freedom. And security, 
carried to its ultimate in the 'total mobilization 9 of the nation, 
is very well analyzed by Rauschning. The masses still cling 
to the residue of personal liberty, of self-determination, which 
has been left to them. Yet all such things must disappear com- 
pletely before the absolute 'security' which is the inherent ob- 
jective of the Hitlerite revolution has been reached. 


t The question about the inner causes of the overwhelming 
importance of Aryanism can be answered to the effect that 
they are to be sought less in a greater potentiality of the 
instinct of self-preservation in itself, than in the special 
way in which the latter expresses itself. The will to live, 
looked at subjectively, is the same everywhere and it is dif- 
ferent only in the form of its actual effect. With the most 
original living beings the instinct of self-preservation does 
not go beyond the care for their own 'ego.' Here the i ego- 
ism,' as we call this urge, goes so far that it even comprises 
time, so that the moment itself claims everything and be- 
grudges everything to the coming hours. The animal lives 
in this state only for itself, seeks food only whenever it 
feels hungry, and fights only for its own life. But as long as 
the instinct of self-preservation expresses itself in this way, 
every basis for the formation of a community, be it even 
the most primitive form of the family, is lacking. Even the 
community between male and female, beyond the mere 
mating, requires a broadening of the instinct of self-preser- 
vation, as now the care for their own 'ego' extends also 
to the other part; sometimes the male seeks food for the 
female, but not infrequently both of them for the young 
ones. Nearly always the one steps in for the protection of 
the other, so that here the first though infinitely simple 
forms of a readiness to sacrifice present themselves. As 
soon as this instinct extends beyond the limits of the narrow 
frame of the family, the prerequisite for the formation of 
greater unions and finally formal States is given. 

With the lowest people of the earth we find this quality 
only to a very small extent, so that often nothing but a 
family is formed. The greater the individual's readiness to 
subordinate his own purely personal interests is, the more 
increases also the ability for the establishment of extensive 

This will to sacrifice in staking his personal labor and, if 


necessary, his own life for others, is most powerfully de- 
veloped in the Aryan. He is greatest, not in his mental 
capacities per se, but in the extent to which he is ready to 
put all his abilities at the service of the community. With 
him the instinct of self-preservation has reached the most 
noble form, because he willingly subjects his own ego to 
the life of the community and, if the hour should require it, 
he also sacrifices it. 

Not in the intellectual abilities lies the Aryan's culture- 
creating and building ability. If he had only these, he 
would always be able to work only destructively, but in no 
case 'organizingly'; for the innermost nature of all organ- 
ization is based on just the fact that the individual re- 
nounces representing his personal opinion and his interests 
and sacrifices both in favor of a majority of people. Only 

The Aryan is therefore the best soldier. But he will also be 
the best 'worker,' in the sense adopted by Prussian Socialism, 
which is in theory a system rewarding men on the basis of the 
service they render the State, the community, as a whole. 
Today the world confronts the fact that German labor has, 
by and large, acquiesced in this theory. Its former Marxism has 
to a large extent been shuffled off; and perhaps it was the 
most fundamental characteristic of that Marxism that it 
based a conception of class warfare on an assumption of uni- 
versally valid human rights. The individual worker was held 
entitled to certain inalienable privileges, and for the sake of 
these the struggle against a society that refused to grant them 
was imperative. But just because Marxism respected human 
rights however secularistic its understanding of them 
may have been its revolutionary initiative was necessarily 
lamed. The shock which the best German Socialists felt 
when they confronted the Bolshevist regime was the result 
of their feeling that Lenin had betrayed the fundamental 
creed of Marxism. He had sold the faith in order to dominate. 
The Third Reich began by depriving the German worker of 


by way of the general community is his share returned to 
him. Now, for instance, he no longer works directly for 
himself, but with his activity he joins in the frame of the 
community, not only for his own advantage, but for that of 
all. The most wonderful explanation of this disposition is 
offered by his word 'work/ by which he does not mean an 
activity for gaining his living, but only a creative toil that 
does not contradict the interests of the community. In the 
other case he calls the human activity, in so far as it does 
not serve the instinct of self-preservation without consid- 
eration for the welfare of the contemporary world, by the 
words theft, usury, robbery, burglary, etc. 

This disposition now, which causes the individual's ego 
to step back in the face of the preservation of the commun- 
ity, is really the first prerequisite for any truly human cul- 
ture. Only out of this all the great works of mankind are 
able to originate, works which bring little reward to the 

exactly what the Third Internationale had taken from him 
freedom of assembly, traditional organizations, the right to 
designate his leaders. But it manifested, in a manner in which 
the Republic could not manifest, its need for workers. And 
therewith (despite all material privations, such as bad bread, 
lack of fats, lower pay, harder work) the way was prepared 
for a revolution of the working class a revolution the dim 
outlines of which undoubtedly fascinate the German toiler 
today. For by abolishing the individual, the Third Reich 
automatically created the mass. And by establishing dominion, 
power, as the sole ethical norm, it automatically created a 
longing for power on a scale hitherto unknown. Sooner or 
later the two the new masses, and the new ethical absolute 
must coincide. Marxism is out of date in Germany, there- 
fore, simply because the theory of human rights is out of date. 
With that those who have destroyed Marxism will have to 
reckon. (Cf. Dcr Arbcitcr: Herrschaft und Gestalt, by Rrn$t 


founder but the richest blessing to posterity. Out of this 
alone one can understand how so many are able to sustain 
a poor life in honesty, which imposes only poverty and mod- 
esty on themselves, but which guarantees the fundamen- 
tals of the community's existence. Every laborer, every 
peasant, every inventor, official, etc., who works without 
ever being able to attain happiness and well-being, is a 
carrier of this high idea, even if the deeper meaning of his 
actions remained hidden to himself forever. 

But what applies to work as the basis of human nutrition 
and all human progress applies to a far greater extent to the 
protection of man and his culture. In giving up one's own 
life for the existence of the community lies the crowning of 
all will to sacrifice. Only this prevents everything that 
human hands have built from being overthrown again by 
human hands, or destroyed by Nature for herself. < 

But just our German language has a word which in a 
glorious manner describes acting in this sense: fulfillment of 
duty (Pflichterfiillung) ; that means, not to suffice for one- 
self, but to serve the community; this is duty. 

Now the basic disposition out of which such an activity 
grows we call idealism, to distinguish it from egoism. By 
this we understand only the individual's ability to sacrifice 
himself for the community, for his fellow citizens, 
t But how necessary is it to recognize again and again that 
idealism is not perhaps superfluous or even dispensable 
expression of feeling, but that in truth it was, is, and will be 
the prerequisite for what we call human culture; indeed, 
that idealism alone has created the notion 'man.' To this 
inner attitude the Aryan owes his position in the world, and 
to it the world owes man; for this attitude alone has shaped 
the mere intellect into the creative force which now, in its 
unique blending of the crude fist with ingenious intellect, 
has created the monuments of human culture. 

Without its ideal attitude all, even the most brilliant, abil- 


ities of the intellect would only be intellect in itself, but 
never creative force, outward appearance without inner 

But as true idealism is nothing but subjecting the indi- 
vidual's interest and life to the community, and as this 
again represents the presumptions for any kind of creative 
organizing forms, therefore in its very heart it corresponds 
to the ultimate will of Nature. Idealism alone leads men 
to voluntary acknowledgment of the privilege of force and 
strength and thus makes them become a dust particle of 
that order which forms and shapes the entire universe. 

Purest idealism is unconsciously deepest knowledge. 

How much this applies and how little genuine idealism 
has to do with playful imagination one can recognize imme- 
diately if the unspoilt child, the healthy boy, is permitted 
to judge. The same boy who is nauseated by the drivel of 
an * ideal ' pacifist is ready to throw away his young life for 
the ideal of his nationality. 

Here the instinct of realization unconsciously obeys the 
deeper necessity of the preservation of the species, if neces- 
sary at the expense of the individual, and it protests against 
the visions of the pacifist babbler who in reality as a 
crudely made-up yet cowardly egoist trespasses against the 
laws of development; for the latter is conditioned by the 
individual's willingness to sacrifice himself in favor of the 

Someone has written: 'Suffer the little children to come 
unto me; for theirs is the kingdom of death. 1 Three months 
after Hitler's rise to power, the traveler through Germany 
could see in school play-yards tots of four and five with sticks 
on their shoulders, going through military evolutions at the 
command of a drill-master. Austria, in the days following 
the Anschluss, was patrolled by boys of upper grammar school 
and high school age. They were armed with rifles and drawn 


community and not by sickly imagination on the part of 
cowardly know-alls and critics of Nature, 

Just in such times, when the ideal attitude threatens to 
disappear, we can at once recognize a reduction of that 
force which forms the community and thus gives culture its 
presumption. As soon as egoism becomes the ruler of a na- 
tion, the ties of order loosen, and in the hunt for their own 
happiness people fall all the more out of heaven into hell. 

Even posterity forgets those men who only serve their 
own advantage, and it praises as heroes those who renounce 
their own happiness. < 

The Jew forms the strongest contrast to the Aryan. 
Hardly in any people of the world is the instinct of self- 
preservation more strongly developed than in the so-called 
'chosen people/ The fact of the existence of this race alone 
may be looked upon as the best proof of this. Where is the 
people that in the past two thousand years has been ex- 
posed to so small changes of the inner disposition, of char- 
acter, etc., as the Jewish people? Which people finally has 
experienced greater changes than this one and yet has 
always come forth the same from the most colossal catas 
trophes of mankind? What an infinitely persistent will for 
life, for preserving the race do these facts disclose! 

Also the intellectual abilities were schooled in the course 
of centuries. Today the Jew is looked upon as 'clever,' and 
in a certain sense he has been so at all times. But his reason 
is not the result of his own development, but that of object 
lessons from without. For also the human mind is not able 
to climb the heights without steps; for every step forward 
he needs the foundation of the past, and, moreover, in that 
comprehensive meaning which can be revealed only through 
general culture. All thinking will rest only to a very small 
extent on one's own realization, but to the greater extent 


on the experiences of the time past. The general level of 
culture supplies the individual, mostly without his noticing 
this, with such a profusion of preliminary knowledge that 
now, armed in this manner, he can set out towards further 
steps of his own. The young boy of today, for instance, 
grows up among a truly vast number of technical achieve- 
ments of the past few centuries that now, as being matters 
of course, he no longer pays attention to many things which 
were still a riddle to great minds a hundred years ago, 
though for the follow-up and the understanding of our 
progress in this field it is of decisive importance for him. 
If today even a genius of the twenties of the past century 
were suddenly to leave his grave, he would find it much 
harder to make his way about in the present time than this 
is the case of an average boy of fifteen of today. For he 
would lack all the infinite prerequisites which the individual 
takes in, so to speak, unconsciously, during his adolescence 
in the midst of the general culture of the corresponding time. 
As now the Jew (for reasons which will immediately be- 
come evident from the following) was never in the pos- 
session of a culture of his own, the bases for his spiritual 

'The Jews, 1 said Chamberlain, 'are neither a race nor a 

people They are the unique example of a purely parasitic 

product of decay.' This point of view is based to a certain ex- 
tent on a corrupt reading of a sentence in Mommsen's Roman 
History, which reads: 'In the Old World, too, Jewry was an 
active ferment of cosmopolitanism and national decomposition, 
and was for that reason a preferred full-fledged member in the 
Caesarian States, the politics of which were in truth nothing 
but cosmopolitanism, and the folkdom of which was essentially 
nothing else than humanity/ Mommsen meant that the Jews, 
uprooted from their Fatherland, lived everywhere and served 
as links to tie Rome to the provinces. Chamberlain built up an 
elaborate theory to account for this 'parasitic product.' The 


activity have always been furnished by others. At all times 
his intellect has developed through the culture that sur- 
rounds him* 

Never did the reverse process take place, 
t For, even if the Jewish people's instinct of self-preserva- 
tion is not smaller, but rather greater, than that of other 
nations, and even if his spiritual abilities very easily create 
the impression as though they were equal to the intel- 
lectual disposition of the other races, yet the most essential 
presumption for a cultured people is completely lacking, the 
idealistic disposition. 

In the Jewish people, the will to sacrifice oneself does not 
go beyond the bare instinct of self-preservation of the indi- 
vidual. The seemingly great feeling of belonging together 
is rooted in a very primitive herd instinct, as it shows itself 

Jews were, he thought, a race mixed with other races too 
diverse in character to permit assimilation. They had married 
with Arabs and Syrians, and were as a result degenerate. 
Original sin as described in the Old Testament was, he held, 
only the 'sin of blood* i.e., the sin of intermarriage with 
inferior breeds. Few Nazis prior to 1933 put much faith in 
these teachings, at which Ernst Roehm is known to have 
laughed. To them Jew baiting was merely a highly effective 
form of drumming up prejudice against the hated Republic, 
which had given jobs to Rathenau, Eisner, Hilferding, and 
others. Even today one hears honest Nazi dissent from the 
official anti-Semitism, but this is probably more or less in- 
grained in youth. There was abundant protest against the 
November pogroms, but little of it was publicly manifested. 

The popular readiness to be stirred to a passion over the 
Jews witness the 'Juda vcrrecke' (May the Jews die) out- 
cry which the youth organizations in particular have taken 
up seems based partly on willingness to detest all things 
not strictly German (a consequence, no doubt, of the disap- 
pointments and privations that followed the War) and partly 


in a similar way in many other living beings in this world. 
Thereby the fact is remarkable that in all these cases a 
common herd instinct leads to mutual support only as long 
as a common danger makes this seem useful or unavoidable. 
The same pack of wolves that jointly falls upon its booty 
dissolves when its hunger abates. The same is true of 
horses, which try to ward off the attacker in common, and 
which fly in different directions when the danger is gone. 

With the Jew the case is similar. His will to sacrifice is 
only ostensible. It endures only as long as the existence of 
the individual absolutely requires this. However, as soon as 
the common enemy is beaten and the danger threatening 
all is averted, the booty recovered, the apparent harmony 
among the Jews themselves ceases to make way again for 

on economic unrest. The Jew was represented as one who pro- 
fited by the inflation, or as the major cause of business and 
professional competition. But it is difficult to make a good 
argument to show Jewish economic dominance in pre-Hitler 
Germany, nor as Jewish cultural influence noteworthy outside 
Berlin. What can be said is that an unwise cult of publicity 
sometimes overstressed the importance of individual Jews. 
Many believed that anti-Semitic propaganda could be stopped 
if it were shown that Jews had contributed a great deal to the 
reputation of Germany abroad. Almost precisely the opposite 
effect was achieved. For a digest of statistics concerning the 
Jew in business, cultural and professional life, cf. The Jews in 
Nazi Germany, edited by the American Jewish Committee. 

A somewhat better case could be made out against the Jewish 
proletariat, since it was largely recruited from eastern Europe 
and was not immediately able to throw off the manners of the 
ghetto. But it was far too small and too isolated to be a factor 
of importance in German life, excepting as a source whence 
certain types of photography might be derived. The labor 
groups, both Marxist and Christian, frowned upon anti-Semi- 


the inclinations originally present. The Jew remains united 
only if forced by a common danger or is attracted by a com- 
mon booty; if both reasons are no longer evident, then the 
qualities of the crassest egoism come into their own, and, in 
a moment, the united people becomes a horde of rats, fight- 
ing bloodily among themselves. 

If the Jews were alone in this world, they would suffocate 
as much in dirt and filth, as they would carry on a detest- 
able struggle to cheat and to ruin each other, although the 
complete lack of the will to sacrifice, expressed in their 
cowardice, would also in this instance make the fight a 
comedy. < 

Thus it is fundamentally wrong to conclude, merely from 
the fact of their standing together in a fight, or, more rightly 
expressed, in their exploiting their fellow human beings, 
that the Jews have a certain idealistic will to sacrifice them- 

Here, too, the Jew is led by nothing but pure egoism on 
the part of the individual. 

Therefore also the Jewish 'State* (which is supposed to 
be the living organism for the preservation and the propa- 
gation of the race) is territorially completely unlimited. 
For a certain limitation of a State formation by space always 
presupposes an idealistic attitude by the State race, espe- 
cially above all a correct conception of the notion 'work/ 
In the same measure in which this attitude is lacking or 
absent, every attempt at a formation or even at the preser- 
vation of a territorially limited State fails. But with this 
also the basis on which a culture alone can originate is 

For this reason, however, the Jewish people, with all its 
apparent intellectual qualities, is nevertheless without any 
true culture, especially without a culture of its own. For 
the sham culture which the Jew possesses today is the 
property of other peoples, and is mostly spoiled in his hands. 


t When judging Jewry in its attitude towards the question 
of human culture, one has to keep before one's eye as an 
essential characteristic that there never has been and con- 
sequently that today also there is no Jewish art; that above 
all the two queens of all arts, architecture and music, owe 
nothing original to Jewry. What he achieves in the field of 
art is either bowdlerization or intellectual theft. With this, 
the Jew lacks those qualities which distinguish creatively 
and, with it, culturally blessed races. 

But how far the Jew takes over foreign culture, only imi- 
tating, or rather destroying, it, may be seen from the fact 
that he is found most frequently in that art which also 
appears directed least of all towards invention of its own, 
the art of acting. But here, too, he is really only the 'jug- 
gler/ or rather the ape; for here, too, he lacks the ultimate 
touch of real greatness; here, too, he is not the ingenious 
creator, but the outward imitator, whereby all the turns 
and tricks he applies cannot deceive us concerning the inner 
lack of life of his creative ability. Here the Jewish press 
alone comes lovingly to his aid, because about every, even 
the most mediocre, bungler, ^provided that he is a Jew, it 
raises such a clamor of hosannas that the rest of the world 
finally actually believes that it sees a real artist before its 

The statement that there had been no Jewish art in olden 
times is highly questionable. Historians of liturgical art now 
believe that the decorative schemes of early Christain churches 
may have been derived in part from the Synagogue. At all 
events, the Gregorian Chant certainly owes much to ancient 
Jewish music. To term all modern Jewish art 'derivative* 
is injudicious, particularly in Germany, as witness Max Lieber- 
mann in painting and Erich Mendelsohn in architecture. 

Modern Jewish stars of the stage include Elisabeth Bergner, 
Max Pallenberg, and Fritz Kortner. The most famous Jewish 
theatrical director was Max Reinhardt. 


eyes, whereas in reality it has only to deal with a wretched 

No, the Jew possesses no culture-creating energy what- 
soever, as the idealism, without which there can never 
exist a genuine development of man towards a higher level, 
does not and never did exist in him. His intellect, there- 
fore, will never have a constructive effect, but only a de- 
structive one, and in very rare cases it is perhaps stimulat- 
ing, at the utmost, but then in the form of the original pro- 
totype of that 'Kraft, die stets das Bose will und dock das 
Gute schafft ' [that force which always wants evil and never- 
theless creates good]. Any progress of mankind takes place 
not through him but in spite of him. 

As the Jew never possessed a State with definite terri- 
torial boundary, and as therefore he never called a culture 
his own, the conception arose that one had to deal with a 
people that had to be counted among the ranks of the 
nomads. This is an error that is as great as it is dangerous. 
The nomad certainly possesses a definitely limited living 
space, only he does not cultivate it like a sedentary peasant, 
but he lives on the yield of his herds with which he wanders 
about in his territory. The simplest reason for this is to be 
seen in the poor fertility of a soil which therefore does not 
permit of settlement. But the deepest cause lies in the dis- 
parity between the technical culture of a time or a people 
and the natural poverty of a living space. There are do- 
mains in which even the Aryan is unable to become master 
of the soil in closed settlements and to make a living from 
it, except by the technology he developed in the course of 
more than a thousand years. If he did not have this tech- 
nology, then he would either have to avoid these territories 
or he would also have to struggle along as a nomad in per- 
petual wandering (provided that his thousand-year-old 
education and custom of settlement did not make this ap- 
pear simply impossible to him). One has to consider, how- 


ever, that at the time the American continent was opened, 
numerous Aryans fought for their living as trappers, hunt- 
ers, etc., and this frequently in large groups with women 
and children, always wandering about, so that their exist- 
ence resembled completely that of the nomads. Only when 
their increasing number and better instruments permitted 
them to clear the wild soil for tillage and to resist the abor- 
igines, more and more settlements sprang up over the 

The Aryan also was probably first a nomad, and in the 
course of time he settled down, but he never was, for this 
reason, a Jew! No, the Jew, is not a nomad; for the latter 
already has a definite attitude towards the conception 
'work' which served as the basis for his later development, 
inasmuch as the necessary spiritual presumptions for that 
purpose are present. With him also the basically idealistic 
attitude exists, though in an infinite dilution, and therefore 
through his entire character he appears perhaps alien to 
Aryan peoples, but not uncongenial. With the Jew, how- 
ever, this attitude is non-existent; therefore he never was a 
nomad, but always only a parasite in the body of other 
peoples. That thereby he sometimes leaves his previous liv- 

This comment on American history is based upon the writ- 
ings of Karl May, a famous German 'thriller/ whose stories 
of Indians and pioneers Hitler has deeply relished. An interest- 
ing related passage on nomads in America may be found in 
Das Schwein als Kritcriuvn fucr nordische Vodker und Semitcn 
(The Hog as a Criterion for Nordic Peoples and Semites) by 
R. Walther Darr6. There an attempt is made to show that the 
Jewish prohibition of pork indicates that they were a nomadic 
desert people, while the Nordic addiction to that animal 
reveals an innate tendency to settle down. Hans Guenther 
also attributes Bodenstdndigktil (settling down instinct) to the 
Germans. Cf . Rasscnkunde des deutschen Volkes. 


ing quarters is not connected with his intention, but is the 
simple logic of his being thrown out from time to time by 
the host nation he abuses. But his spreading is the typical 
symptom of all parasites; he always looks for a new feeding 
soil for his race. 

t But this has nothing to do with nomadism for the reason 
that the Jew does not think of leaving a territory he occu- 
pies, but he remains where he is sitting, and that means so 
'sedentary' that he may be expelled only with force and 
with great difficulty. His spreading to ever new countries 
takes place only in the moment when certain conditions for 
his existence are apparent there; without that he would 
(like the nomad) change his previous residence. He is and 
remains the typical parasite, a sponger who, like a harmful 
bacillus, spreads out more and more if only a favorable 
medium invites 'him to do so. But the effect of his existence 
resembles also that of parasites; where he appears the host 
people die out sooner or later. 

Thus the Jew lived at all times in the States of other 
peoples and there he formed his own State, which, though 
disguised by the name of 'religious community/ generally 
sailed as long as external circumstances did not see fit to 
make a complete revelation of its nature. But once he be- 
lieved himself strong enough to be able to dispense with the 
protecting cover, then he always dropped the veil and sud- 
denly he was what so many others were unwilling to see and 
to believe in before : the Jew. 

In the Jew's life as a parasite in the body of other nations 
and States, his characteristic is established which once 
caused Schopenhauer to pronounce the sentence, already 
mentioned, that the Jew is the 'great master of lying. 9 
Life urges the Jew towards the lie, that is, to a perpetual lie, 
just as it forces the inhabitants of northern countries to wear 
warm clothes.-* 

His life within other peoples can only exist in the long 


run if he succeeds in creating the impression as though he 
were not a people but only a 'religious community,' though 
a special one. 

But with this the first great lie starts. 

In order to lead his existence as a peoples 9 parasite he is 
forced to deny his inner nature. Now the more intelligent 
the individual Jew is, the more will he succeed in this delu- 
sion. It can even go so far that great parts of the host nation 
finally believe in all sincerity that the Jew is really a French- 
man or an Englishman, a German or an Italian, though also 
of a special 'denomination.' f State authorities, which 
always seem to be animated only by the historical 'frac- 
tion' of wisdom, fall most easily victim of this infamous 
deception. In these circles independent thinking is looked 
upon as a genuine sin against the holy advancement, so that 
one must not be surprised that for example even today a 
Bavarian State minister has not the faintest idea that the 
Jew is a people and not a 'denomination' though only one 
look into the Jew's own newspaper world ought immedi- 
ately to demonstrate this to even the most modest mind. 
Of course, the Jewish Echo is not yet an official organ and 
therefore it is 'unauthoritative* for the brains of such a 
government potentate. 

The Jews were always a people with definite racial qual- 
ities and never a religion, only their progress made them 
probably look very early for a means which could divert 
disagreeable attention from their person. But what would 
have been more useful and at the same time more harmless 
than the 'purloining' of the appearance of being a religious 
community? For here, too, everything is purloined, or 
rather, stolen. But resulting from his own original nature 
the Jew cannot possess a religious institution for the very 
reason that he lacks all idealism in any form and that he 
also does not recognize any belief in the hereafter. But in 
the Aryan conception one cannot conceive of a religioo 


which lacks the conviction of the continuation of life after 
death in some form. Indeed, the Talmud is then not a book 
for the preparation for the life to come, but rather for a 
practical and bearable life in this world. 

The Jewish religious doctrine is primarily a direction for 
preserving the purity of the blood of Judaism as well as 
for the regulation of the Jews' intercourse with one an- 
other, but even more in connection with the rest of the 
world, that means, with non-Jews. But here, too, the prob- 
lems involved are not at all ethical, but rather extremely 
modest economic ones. About the moral value of the Jew- 
ish religious instructions there exist today and there have 
existed at all times rather exhaustive studies (on the non- 
Jewish side; the drivel of the Jews themselves about this is, 
of course, cut to the purpose) which make this kind of 
'religion' appear even odious from Aryan viewpoints. But 
the best stamp is given by the product of this 'religious' 
education, the Jew himself. His life is really only of this 
world, and his spirit is as alien to true Christianity, for in- 
Jewish religion does stress belief in the immortality of the 
soul. The earlier portions of the Old Testament do not, it is 
true, explicitly go beyond affirmations concerning the im- 
mortality of the Jewish people as a whole. Later on, in the 
Book of Daniel and in Maccbabees, the ideas of the survival 
of the soul and of bodily resurrection are emphasized. Medie- 
val Jewry clung to the belief, and the records of 'saints' who 
died during persecutions breathe a firm hope of survival in 
God. For a liberal Jewish commentary, cf. A Social and 
Religious History of the Jews, by Salo Wittmayer Baron. 

The reasoning here is more explicitly formulated in Rosen- 
berg. Cf. also, St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, Chapter 1 1 : 
'As concerning the Gospel, they are enemies for your sake; 
but as touching the election, they are beloved for the fathers 9 


seance, as his nature was two thousand years ago to the 
Sublime Founder of the new doctrine. Of course, the latter 
made no secret of His disposition towards the Jewish 
people, and when necessary He even took to the whip in 
order to drive out of the Lord's temple this adversary of all 
humanity, who even then as always saw in religion only a 
means for his business existence. But for this, of course, 
Christ was crucified, while our present party Christianity 
disgraces itself by begging for Jewish votes in the elections 
and later tries to conduct political wirepulling with atheis- 
tic Jewish parties, and this against their own nation. 

Upon this first and greatest lie, that the Jew is not a race 
but simply a religion, further lies are then built up in neces- 
sary consequence. To them also belongs the language 
spoken at the time by the Jew. For him it is never a means 
of expressing his thoughts, but for hiding them. When he 
speaks French, he thinks Jewish, and when he turns out 
German poetry, he only gives an outlet to the nature of his 

As long as the Jew has not become the master of the other 
peoples, he must, whether he likes it or not, speak their lan- 
guages, and only if they would be his slaves then they might 
all speak a universal language so that their domination will 
be made easier (Esperanto!). 

How far the entire existence of this people is based on a 
continuous lie is shown in an incomparable manner and 
certainty in the 'Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion/ so 

The 'Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion' were first circu- 
lated in Russia during the early years of the twentieth century. 
Apparently they formed part of the literary stock-in-trade of 
certain secret organizations. The tract purports to be an 
account of a meeting between Jewish leaders in the fall of 1897, 
which year marked the first convention of the Zionist Congress. 
Since pilgrimages to the Holy Land were popular in Russia, tht 


infinitely hated by the Jews. They are supposed to be a 
'forgery' the Frankfurter Zeitung moans and cries out to the 
world once a week; the best proof that they are genuine 
after all. What many Jews may do unconsciously is here 
exposed consciously. But this is what matters. It makes 
no difference from the head of which Jew these disclosures 
come, but decisive it is that they demonstrate, with a truly 
horrifying certainty, the nature and the activity of the Jew- 
ish people and expose them in their inner connection as well 
as in their ultimate final aims. But the best criticism ap- 
plied to them is reality. He who examines the historical 
development of the past hundred years, from the points of 
view of this book, will also immediately understand the 
clamor of the Jewish press. For once this book has become 
the common property of a people, the Jewish danger is 
bound to be considered as broken. 

combination of Zionism and terrorism was effective propa- 
ganda. A horrible plot to undermine society, overthrow 
governments, and destroy Christianity is revealed. The 
'minutes' are copied verbatim from *A Dialogue in Hades 
Between Machiavelli and Montesquieu, ' an attack on the 
Masons and the Bonapartists written in French by Maurice 
Joly in 1868. The 'Protocols' merely substituted the word 
'Jew* for Joly's own devils. Another probable source is 
Biarritz, a novel published by John Retcliff in 1868, one 
scene in which described an imaginary annual meeting of 
'the prince of the twelve Tribes of Israel* in the Jewish ceme- 
tery of Prague. They discuss measures calculated to destroy 
all Christians. Editions of the 'Protocols' edited by Rosen- 
berg and others are now widely circulated in Germany and 
other countries. Noteworthy is the fact that Hitler's justifi- 
cation of them (Count Reventlow had admitted their spurious- 
ness during a sensational trial in 1923) almost parallels the 
explanation given by the Reverend Charles Coughlin at the 
time they were reprinted in his periodical, Social Justice. 


In order to become acquainted with the Jew, it is best to 
study the way he took inside the body of the other peoples 
in the course of the centuries. It suffices to follow this up 
on the basis of only one example in order to arrive at the 
necessary conclusions. As his development was always and 
at all times the same, as also the peoples he eats into are 
always the same, it is recommended for such a study to 
break his development up into certain sections which in 
this case, to simplify matters, I denote with letters. 

The first Jews came to ancient Germany in the course of 
the advance of the Romans, that is, as tradesmen as usual 
In the storms of the peoples' migration, however, an end 
seems to have been put also to this, and therefore the time 
of the first Germanic State formation may be considered the 
beginning of a new and now permanent Judaization of Cen- 
tral and North Europe. Now a development sets in which 
was always the same or a similar one, wherever Jews met 
Aryan peoples. 

(a) With the appearance of the first fixed settlements 
the Jew is suddenly 'there/ He comes as a tradesman, and 
at the beginning he puts little stress on the disguise of hia 
nationality. He is still a Jew, partly perhaps also for the 
reason that the external racial difference between him and 
the host nation is too great and his linguistic knowledge too 
small, and that the seclusion of the host nation is too strong 
for him to venture to appear as something different from 
a 'foreign tradesman.' With his versatility and the host 
nation's inexperience it is no disadvantage, but rather an 
advantage, for him to keep up his character as 'Jew'; one 
meets the stranger courteously. 

(ft) Now he gradually begins to become 'active' in eco- 
nomic life, not as a producer, but exclusively as an inter- 
mediary link. In his versatility of a thousand years' trading 


he is infinitely superior to the clumsy and boundlessly hon- 
est Aryans, so that after a short time trade threatens to 
become his monopoly. Further, he begins money-lending 
and that always at usurious interest. He actually intro- 
duces interest by this. The danger of this new institution 
is not recognized at first, but for the sake of the momen- 
tary advantages it is even welcomed. 

(c) The Jew has settled down completely; that means, he 
occupies special quarters in the towns and villages and more 
and more he forms a special State within the State. He 
considers trade as well as all money transactions as his very 
own privilege, which he exploits ruthlessly. 

(d) Money transactions and trade have now completely 
become his monopoly. His usurious rates of interest finally 
stir up resistance, his otherwise increasing impertinence 
causes indignation, his riches envy. The cup is filled to 
overflowing when he draws also the land and the soil into 
the circle of his mercenary objects and degrades it to the 
level of goods to be sold or rather to be traded. As he him- 
self never tills the soil, but only looks upon it as a property 
to be exploited, on which the peasant may well remain but 
only under the most wretched extortions on the part of his 
present master, the aversion against him finally grows into 
open hatred. His blood-sucking tyranny becomes so great 
that riots against him occur. Now one begins to look more 
and more closely at the stranger and one discovers more and 
more new repellent features and characteristics in him, till 
the chasm becomes an unsurmountable one. 

In times of most bitter distress the wrath against him 
finally breaks out, and the exploited and ruined masses take 
up self-defense in order to ward off the scourge of God. 
They have got to know him in the course of several cen- 
turies and they experience his mere existence as the same 
distress as the plague. 

(e) Now, however, the Jew begins to unveil his true qual- 


ities. With disgusting flattery he approaches the govern- 
ments, he puts his money to work, and in this manner he 
secures again and again the privilege of a renewed exploi- 
tation of his victims. Although sometimes the people's fury 
against the eternal blood-sucker flares up like fire, this does 
not prevent him in the least from appearing again, after a 
few years, at the place he had barely left and to begin his 
former life all over. No persecution can deter him from ex- 
ploiting mankind, can expel him; after each one he is here 
again after a short time, and just the same as he was before. 

In order at least to prevent the worst, one begins to take 
the soil out of his usurious hands by making the acquisition 
of soil legally impossible for him. [j 

(/) In the measure in which the power of the monarchs 
begins to rise, he pushes nearer and nearer to them. He 
begs for 'privileges' and 'charters/ which he willingly re- 
ceives, against corresponding payment, from these gentle- 
men who are always in need of money. No matter what 
this costs him, he gets back with interest and compound in- 
terest in the course of a few years the money he has spent. 
A real blood-sucker which attaches itself to the body of the 
unfortunate people and which cannot be removed until the 
monarchs themselves again need money and in person tap 
the blood that he has sucked in. 

This game is repeated again, whereby the r61e of the 

For a history of these pogroms which were caused in the 
main by the enthusiasm incident to the Crusades cf. 'Die 
Judcnbck&mpfung im Mittdaltcr,' by Peter Browe, S.J., m 
Zcitschrift jtir katholische Theologie (Vol. LXII, nrs. 2 and 3). 
Saint Bernard preached against these disorders, and the Papal 
Bull Licet perfidia iudaeorum was published to stop them. 
Browe's conclusion is that charges of usury, etc., emerge rela- 
tively late, indicating possibly that the Jews resorted to such 
measures as means of defense. 


so-called 'German monarchs 9 is just as wretched as that of 
the Jews themselves. They were really God's chastisement 
for their 'dear' people, these gentlemen, and they find their 
parallel only in the various ministers of the present time. 

It was thanks to the German monarchs that the German 
nation was unable to free itself for good from the Jewish 
danger. Unfortunately, this fact did not change later on, 
so that by the Jew they were only allotted the thousandfold 
reward they deserved for the sins they once committed 
against their peoples. They had sold themselves to the 
Devil and had landed in his domain. 

(g) Thus his ensnaring the monarchs led to their ruin. 
Their attitude towards the peoples loosens slowly but surely 
in the measure in which they cease to serve the interests of 
the latter and, instead, become the usufructuaries of their 
'subjects.' The Jew knows their end accurately, and he 
tries to speed it up if possible. He himself advances their 
eternal financial troubles by diverting them more and more 
from their true tasks; by toadying to them with the worst 
flattery, he induces them to vice and thus makes himself 
more and more indispensable. His versatility, rather his 
anscrupulousness, in all money matters knows how to 
extract, even to extort, more and more money from the ex- 
ploited subjects who tread the path to nothing in shortei 
and shorter periods of time. Every Court thus has its 
4 Court Jew.' (This is the name of the monsters who tor- 
ture the beloved people to the point of despair and who pre- 
pare the eternal pleasure of the monarchs.) Who will won- 
der, then, that these 'ornaments' of the human race are 
finally also outwardly decorated and rise to the ranks of the 
hereditary 'nobility/ and thus help not only in making this 
institution ridiculous, but even in poisoning it. 

Another allusion to the Habsburgs, accused of having pro- 
tected the Jews and of having assured their rise in the world. 


Now he is all the more able to use his position for the 
sake of his advancement. 

Finally, he only needs to submit himself to baptism in 
order to come into the possession of all possibilities and 
rights of the natives of the country. He puts through this 
'business' not infrequently to the joy of the churches over 
the 'son' they have won and to Israel's joy at the successful 

(fi) Now a change begins to take place within Jewry. So 
far they were Jews; that means they did not want to appear 
as something else, and also they could not do so with such 
extremely pronounced race characteristics on both sides. 
Still at the time of Frederick the Great nobody would think 
of seeing in the Jew something other than a * foreign 1 people, 
and Goethe is still horrified at the idea that in future matri- 
mony between Christians and Jews would no longer be for- 
bidden by law. Now Goethe was, God knows, certainly no 
reactionary, far less a helot; what spoke out of him was 
nothing but the voice of blood and of reason. Thus, despite 
all disgraceful actions of the Courts, the people instinctively 
sees in the Jew the alien element in its own body and it takes 
a corresponding attitude towards him. 

This was to become different now. In the course of a 
thousand years he has learned to master the language of his 
host people to such an extent as to believe that he can in the 
future risk to accent his Judaism a little less and to put his 
' Germanity ' more into the foreground ; for no matter how 
ridiculous, nay, absurd, it may seem at first, yet he permits 
himself the impudence of changing himself into a 'Ger- 
manic'; in this case therefore a 'German.' Thereby begins 
one of the most infamous lies conceivable. Since of Ger- 
manity he possesses really nothing but the ability to speak 
its language badly in the most terrible manner, since for the 
rest, however, he never blended with it, therefore his whole 
Germanitv rests only on the language. The race, however, 


ia not based upon the language, but upon the blood exclu- 
sively, something that nobody knows better than the Jew, 
who puts only very little value upon the preservation of his 
language, but everything on the preservation of the purity 
of his blood. One can change the language of a man with- 
out ado, that means he can use another language; but then 
he will express his old thoughts in his new language, his 
inner nature will not be changed. This is shown best of all 
by the Jew who is able to speak in a thousand languages and 
yet remains always the one Jew. His character qualities 
have remained the same, whether two thousand years ago 
he spoke Roman as a grain merchant in Ostia or whether as 
a flour profiteer of today he haggles German like a Jew. He 
is always the same Jew. That this matter of course is 
naturally not understood by a normal councillor of the min- 
istry or a higher police official of today is also a matter of 
course, as hardly any person endowed with less instinct or 
intellect walks about than these 'servants' of our exem- 
plary 'State authority 1 of the 'present time/ 

The reason why the Jew decides now suddenly to become 
a ' German ' is obvious. He feels that the power of the mon- 
archfe begins slowly to tumble, and therefore he seeks to get 
a platform under his feet in time. Further, his financial rule 
of the entire business life has already progressed so far that, 
without the possession of all the 'civil' rights, he is no 
longer able to support the whole enormous building, in any 
case no further increase of his influence can take place. But 
he wishes both; for the higher he climbs, the more allur- 
ingly rises out of the veil of the past his old goal, once pro- 
mised to him, and with feverish greed he watches in his 
brightest heads the dream of world domination step into 
tangible proximity. Therefore, his sole endeavor is aimed 
at putting himself into complete possession of the ' civil f 

This is the reason for the emancipation from the ghetto 


Thus the Court Jew develops slowly into the folk Jew; 
that means, of course, the Jew remains now as before in the 
surroundings of the high gentlemen, he even tries to push 
still more into this circle ; but at the same time another part 
of his race chums up to the 'dear people.' If one considers 
how much he has sinned against the masses in the course of 
the centuries, how again and again he squeezed and ex- 
torted without mercy, if one considers further how the 
people gradually learned to hate him for this and finally saw 
in his existence really nothing but a punishment of Heaven, 
then one can understand how hard this change must be for 
the Jew. Yes, it is tiresome work to present oneself sud- 
denly again as ' friend of mankind ' to the skinned victims. 

At first, therefore, he begins to make good, in the eyes of 
the people, what so far he had sinned against it. He begins 
his change as 'benefactor' of mankind. As his new benevo- 
lence has a genuine foundation, he cannot very well keep to 
the old words of the Bible that the left hand must not know 
what the right hand gives, but whether he wants it or not, 
he has to be content with letting as many people as possible 
know how much he feels the sufferings of the masses and 
what sacrifices he offers personally for this. In the form 
of this inborn ' modesty ' he calls out his merits to the rest 

Goethe, born in Frankfort, describes the ghetto as he had 
known it during his boyhood. In Berlin there was already a 
somewhat different situation, although Jews coming there to 
engage in business were obliged to pay tribute. Thus Moses 
Mendelssohn, founder of the famous banker family, was 
obliged to put down the purchase price for twelve porcelain 
monkeys of a kind then being produced at the Royal Factory. 
Emancipation of the Jew was not in effect everywhere in Ger- 
many until 1869. As a boy, Heinrich Heine knew no German. 
How many Jews had been converted previously the ghetto 
was a religious dividing line we have no means of telling. 


of the world until the world begins really to believe in them. 
Those who do not believe this do him a great injustice. After 
a short time he begins even to twist these things in such a 
way as to make it appear as though so far one had only 
wronged him, and not vice versa. Those who are especially 
stupid believe this and they cannot but have sympathy 
with the poor 'unfortunate' one. 

For the rest one ought to remark here that the Jew, 
despite all willingness to sacrifice, naturally never becomes 
poor. He knows very well how to manage; indeed, his char- 
ity is sometimes actually comparable to the manure which 
is spread on the field, not out of love for the latter, but out 
of precaution for one's own benefit later on. But in any 
case, everybody knows after a comparatively short time 
that the Jew has now become a ' Benefactor and friend of 
mankind.' What a strange change ! 

But for this reason alone, what to others is more or less 
natural now creates astonishment, and among many even 
visible admiration. Thus it happens that for this reason 
one gives him much more credit than to the rest of man- 
kind, for in their case it is considered a matter of course. 

But even more: the Jew becomes suddenly also 'liberal* 
and he begins to rave of the necessary 'progress' of man- 

Thus he gradually makes himself the spokesman of a new 

Of course, he destroys then also more and more thor- 
oughly the foundations of a truly useful national economy. 
By the roundabout way of the 'share' capital he pushes his 
way into the circulation of national production, he makes 
the latter an object of usury by way of buying or rather of 
trading, and thus he robs the organizations of the basis of 
a personal ownership. Only thus there arises that inner 
estrangement between employer and employee which leads 
to the following political class cleavage. 


But finally, where economic interests are concerned, the 
Jewish influence through the stock exchange grows with ter- 
rifying speed. He becomes the owner, or at least the con- 
troller, of the national labor force. 

For the strengthening of his political position he tries to 
pull down the racial and civil barriers which at first still 
restrain him at every step. For this purpose he fights with 
all his innate thoroughness for religious tolerance and in 
the completely deteriorated Freemasonry he has an excel- 
lent instrument for fighting out and also for 'putting over* 
his aims. By the strings of Freemasonry the circles of the 
government and the higher layers of the political and eco- 
nomic bourgeoisie fall into his nets without their even 
guessing this. 

Only the people as such, or rather that class which is now 
about to wake up, which fights for its own rights and its 
freedom, cannot yet be sufficiently seized by this in its 
deeper and broader layers. But this is more necessary than 
everything else; for the Jew actually feels that the possi- 
bility for his rising to a dominating r61e is only given if there 
is a 'pacemaker* before him; but the latter he believes he 
can recognize in the bourgeoisie, and this in its broadest lay- 
ers. But one cannot catch glovemakers and linen weavers 
in the fine net of Freemasonry; for this one has to apply 
more coarse but not less thorough means. Thus to Free- 
masonry the second weapon in the service of Jewry is 

Hence Rosenberg's crusade against Freemasonry. After 
1933, powerful business influences were able to halt for a time 
the dissolution of the lodges. Masonry was inconsequential in 
Germany, the total number of initiates being 76,360 in 1931. 
They divided into two groups, one of which was 'Christian- 
national' (i.e., conservative), while the other was 'liberal. 9 
The first group comprised more than two-thirds of the total 


added ; the press. He puts himself into possession of it with 
all toughness, but also with infinite versatility. With it he 
begins slowly to grasp and to ensnare, to lead and to push 
the entire public life, because now he is in a position to pro- 
duce and to conduct that power which under the name of 
'public opinion' is better known today than it was a few 
decades ago. 

But thereby he always presents himself as infinitely 
thirsty for knowledge, he praises all progress, but most of 
all, of course, that progress which leads others to destruc- 
tion; for in all knowledge and every development he sees 
forever only the possibility of the advancement of his own 
nationality, and, where this possibility does not exist, he 
is the inexorable and mortal enemy of all light, the despiser 
of all true culture. Thus he applies all knowledge which he 
takes in in the schools of the others, only to the service of 
his race. 

This nationality, however, he guards as never before. 
While he seems to overflow with 'enlightenment,' 'pro- 
gress/ 'freedom/ 'humanity,' etc., he exercises the strictest 
seclusion of his race. Although he sometimes hangs his 
women onto the coattails of influential Christians, yet he 
always keeps his male line pure in principle. He poisons 
the blood of the others, but he guards his own. The Jew 
does not marry a Christian woman, but always the Chris- 
tian a Jewess. Yet the bastards take to the Jewish side. 
Especially a part of the higher nobility degrades itself com- 
pletely. He knows this only too well, and for this reason he 
systematically carries out this kind of 'disarmament' of the 

A very curious generalization. Researches in several German 
Jewish family trees reveal the fact that since the emancipation, 
the majority of extra-confessional marriages were those of 
Jewish men marrying Christian girls. In the United States, 
Abie's Irish Rose emphasizes the same trend. 


spiritually leading class of his racial adversaries. Yet, in 
order to disguise his activity and to put his victims to sleep, 
he speaks now more and more of the equality of all men, 
without consideration of race and of color. And those who 
are stupid begin to believe him. 

But as his entire being still smells too strongly of the 
stranger for the great mass of the people especially to fall 
without ado into his nets, he makes his press give a picture 
of himself which corresponds to reality as little as it serves, 
nevertheless, the purpose he intended. Especially in car- 
toons one endeavors to present the Jew as a harmless little 
folk which cannot help having its characteristics (as others 
also), but which even by its manners, appearing perhaps a 
little strange, gives forth symptoms of his possibly comic, 
yet always fundamentally honest and benevolent soul. On 
the whole one strives at making him always appear more 
4 unimportant ' than dangerous. 

His final goal in this State, however, is the victory of 
'democracy/ or as he understands it: because it eliminates 

Certainly no orthodox Jews on record have subscribed even 
to the Christian version of the doctrine that all men are equal. 
This teaching has, indeed, no meaning unless it signifies the 
equality of persons before the law, whether Divine (i.e., 
religious) or human. 

One of the most remarkable anti-Semitic addresses delivered 
by Hitler is dated from April, 1922. The following passage 
may be cited: 'Jewry has tried a ruse which, from the political 
point of view, is really very clever. This capitalistic people, 
which was the first on this earth to introduce the enslavement 
of men, has managed to take the leadership of the Fourth 
Estate into its hands. In so doing it had adopted two lands of 
tactic, one of the Right and one of the Left, since it has apostles 
in both camps. The Jew on the Right tries to make all faults 
that exist stand out so clearly that the man on the street, poor 


the personality and in its place it puts the majority of 
stupidity, incapacity, and last, but not least, cowardice. 

The final result of this development will be the overthrow 
of the monarch which is bound to arrive sooner or later. -4- 

The enormous economic development leads to a change 
in the social classification of the people. While the small 
craftsmen die out gradually and thus the worker's possi- 
bility of winning an independent existence becomes more 
and more rare, the worker becomes more visibly prole- 
tarian. The industrial 'factory worker 1 comes into being 
whose essential characteristic is to be seen in the fact that 
he hardly ever reaches the position of founding an existence 
of his own in his later life. He is * without property' in the 
truest meaning of the word, so that his old age means a tor- 
ture rather than life. 

Even previously a similar position had been created 

devil, will be irritated to the nth degree greed for money, 
unscrupulousness, hardness of heart, disgusting displays of 
wealth. More and more Jews had slid into the better families, 
you see, and therefore the ruling class has become estranged 
from its people. 

'This was the premise on which work on the Left was under- 
taken. For he was there, to the Left the cheap little dema- 
gogue. He made it impossible for patriots of intelligence to 
accept positions of leadership in the workers' organizations, 
first by adopting an internationalist point of view, and then 
by sponsoring a Marxist theory which proclaimed that property 
as such is theft. Now the leadership of industry, in so far as 
it was patriotic-minded, also could not put up with what was 
happening. Therewith the Jew succeeded in bringing about 
the isolation of this movement from all nationalist elements. 
Next, through clever management of the press, he so influenced 
the masses that the Right looked upon the mistakes of the 
Left as mistakes of the German worker, while the mistakes 
made on the Right in their turn seemed to the German worker 


which also categorically urged towards a solution which 
then also took place. To the peasant and draftsman, the 
official and employee, especially of the State, were slowly 
added as an additional class. They were 'without pro- 
perty' in the truest meaning of the word. The State at last 
helped itself out of this unsound state in a way by taking 
into its hands the provision for the State employees who 
could not provide for themselves in their old age and intro- 
duced the pension. Slowly more and more private enter- 
prises followed this example, so that today almost every 
intellectual, permanently employed, draws a pension later, 
provided the corporation has already reached or surpassed 
a certain size. Only the security of the State official in his 
old age was able to educate him to that unselfish loyalty to 
duty which in pre-War times was the most noble quality 
of German officialdom. 

Thus an entire class, which remained without property, 
was in a clever manner pulled out of social misery and thus 
joined in the entity of the people. 

Now this question again approached the State and the 

mistakes of the so-called bourgeois. And neither of the two 
noticed that the mistakes on both sides were the objectives 
sought by these devilish alien agitators. Thus did there come 
to pass the ghastliest joke in the world history Jewish specu- 
lators became Jewish labor leaders. While Moses Cohn, stock- 
holder, stiffens the backs of his company until it becomes as 
stern and uncompromising as possible towards the demands 
of its workers, Isaac Cohn, labor-leader, is in the courtyard of 
the factory rousing the workers. "Look at them," he cries, 
"they seek only to crush you. Throw your chains away." And 
up above his brother helps make it possible that the chains are 
forged at all. The people is to destroy the backbone of its 
independence its own industry in order that it may sink 
the more surely into the golden chains of the slavery of interest 
imposed by this race.' 


nation, and this time in a much greater extent. More ana 
more millions of people moved from peasant villages to the 
big cities in order to earn their daily bread as ' factory work- 
ers ' in the newly founded industries. Working and living 
conditions of the new class were more than pitiful. Even 
the former working methods of the one-time craftsmen 01 
peasants, carried over mechanically to the new forms, were 
unsuitable in every respect. The activity of the one and the 
other was no longer comparable with the efforts which the 
industrial factory worker has to afford. With the old crafts- 
manship, time might perhaps play far less a r61e than was 
all the more the case with the new working methods. The 
formal taking-over of the old working hours to the great 
industrial enterprises had indeed a disastrous effect; for the 
actual work done before was only very little, in conse- 
quence of the absence of our present intensive working 
methods. Therefore, if at that time one was still able to 
bear a working day of fourteen or fifteen hours, one could 
no longer do so at a time when every minute is used and 
applied to the fullest extent. The result of this senseless 
transfer of old working hours to the new industrial activity 
was really an unfortunate one in two respects: it ruined 
health and destroyed confidence in a higher law. To this 
was added, finally, the miserable wages as well as, on the 
other hand, the visibly so much better position of the 

In the country there was no social question, as the master 
and the servant did the same work, and, above all, they ate 
out of the same dish. But all this had now become different 
at one blow. 

The separation of the employee from the employer now 
seems to be carried out in all domains of life. How far in 
this the inner Judaization of our people has progressed can 
be seen from the low respect, not to say disdain, which is 
awarded the craftsman's work in itself. For this is not Ger- 


man. Only the tainting of our life with foreign elements, 
which was in truth a 'Judaization,' turned the one-time 
respect for craftsmanship into a certain disdain of all physi- 
cal work as a whole. 

Thus a new class, which was very little respected, was 
actually created, and some day the question was bound to 
arise whether the nation would by itself have the energy to 
make this new class again a member of general society, or 
whether the social difference would widen into a class-like 

But one thing was certain: the new class contained not 
the worst elements in its ranks, but the most energetic ones. 
Here the over-refinements of the so-called i culture ' had not 
yet exercised their deteriorating and destroying influences. 
In its broad masses, the new class was not yet infected by 
the poison of pacifist weakness; it was robust, and, if 
necessary, even brutal. 

While the bourgeoisie does not care at all about this enor- 
mously important question, but indifferently lets things 
take their course, the Jew seizes the unlimited opportunity 
for the future which is offered here, and while on the one 
side he organizes the capitalist methods of exploiting human 
beings to the ultimate consequence, he approaches the very 
victims of his spirit and his activity, and after a short time 
he becomes even the leader of their fight against himself. 
'Against himself is, of course, only metaphorically ex- 
pressed, for the great master of lies knows how to make 
himself appear always as the 'pure 1 one and to charge the 
guilt to the others. As he has the impudence to lead the 
masses in such a manner, the latter does not even think at 
all that this could mean the most villainous betrayal of 
all times. 

And yet it was so. 

As soon as, out of the general economic transformation, 
the new class develops, the Jew sees also before him, dearly 


and distinctly, the new pacemaker of his own further ad- 
vancement. First he uses the bourgeoisie as the battle ram 
against the feudal world, then the worker against the bour- 
geois world. Just as at one time he knew how to gain by 
sneaking the civil rights for himself in the shadow of the 
bourgeoisie, thus he hopes now that in the worker's fight for 
his existence, he will find the way towards a leadership of 
his own. 

From now on the worker only has the task of working for 
the future of the Jewish people. He is unconsciously put 
into the service of that power which he believes he is fight- 
ing. By making him apparently storm against capital, one 
can most easily make him fight just for the latter. Thus 
one always cries out against international capital, whereas 
in reality one means the national economy. The latter is to 
be demolished so that on its field of carnage the triumph of 
the international stock exchange may be celebrated. 

The Jew's procedure in this is, in short, the following : 

He approaches the worker, pretends to have pity on him, 
or even to feel indignation at his lot of misery and poverty, 
in order more easily to gain his confidence in this way. He 
takes pains to study all the actual (or imagined) hardships 
of his life and to awaken a longing for changing such an 
existence. In an infinitely sly manner, he stimulates the 
need for social justice, dormant in every Aryan, to the point 
of hatred against those who have been better favored by for- 
tune, and thus he gives the fight for the abolition of social 
evils a definite stamp of a view of life. He founds the 
Marxist theory. 

By presenting it as inseparably connected with quite a 
number of socially justified demands, he promotes its 
spread, and, on the other hand, the decent people's aversion 
to fulfilling demands which, presented in such a form and 
accompaniment, appear unjust, nay, impossible from the 
beginning. For under this cloak of social thought, there are 


hidden some more truly diabolic intentions, or they are 
reported in all publicity with the most impudent clarity. 
This doctrine is an inseparable mixture of reason and human 
frenzy, but always so that only lunacy can become reality, 
and never reason. By the categorical rejection of personal- 
ity and, with it, of the nation and its racial contents, it 
destroys the elementary foundations of the entire human 
culture which depends on just these factors. This is the true 
inner nucleus of the Marxist ' view of life,' as far as one may 
call this monstrous product of a criminal mind a 'view of 
life.' With the destruction of the personality and the race 
in this world, there vanishes the essential obstacle for the 
domination of the inferior: this, however, is the Jew. 
f The meaning of this doctrine lies just in the economic 
and the political frenzy. For by this all truly intelligent 

Karl Marx, author of Das Kapital, was the son of Protestant 
parents, converts from Judaism. Like many others who later 
on identified themselves with Socialism, known previously in 
its Utopian forms in France, he was educated in the neo- 
Hegelian philosophy. At the time this markedly evolutionistic 
doctrine ran foul of Lutheran Christianity in a conventional 
and fundamentalistic form. There appeared to be no chance 
for reconciliation between philosophy and religion. The phrase, 
4 Religion is the opium of the people,' comes, however, not from 
Marx but from Bruno Bauer. Marx definitely turned to Social- 
ism during his exile, which followed the Revolution of 1848. 
His strength lies in his sharp insight into capitalistic procedure, 
not in his materialistic dialectic. This last, the especial theme 
of the neo-Hegolians, is much better exemplified in Ludwig 
Feuerbach and Arnold Rugo. 

It is difficult, therefore, to see how Marx's teaching can be 
linked up with Judaism in particular. The popular statement 
of his theory is the work of Friedrich Engels, an Aryan; and 
his philosophy is derivative from Hegel, another Aryan. More- 
over, Marx was a bitter critic of orthodox Judaism. A much 


members of the nation are kept from putting themselves 
into its service, while those who are mentally less active and 
economically badly trained, join its ranks with flying colors. 
The intelligentsia, however, which of course also needs this 
movement for its existence, is 'sacrificed* by the Jew from 
his own ranks. 

Thus there arises a movement of mere handicraft workers 
under exclusively Jewish leadership, apparently aiming at 
improving the situation of the worker, but in truth intend- 
ing the enslavement, and with it the destruction, of all non- 
Jewish peoples. 

The general pacifistic paralyzation of the national in- 
stinct of self-preservation, introduced into the circles of the 

more typically Jewish labor leader was Ferdinand Lassalle, 
whom the Nazis almost never attack because he affirmed the 
nationalist State and influenced Bismarck. Lassalle's influence 
also survived in the Christian Labor Union movement. 

How eager the early capitalistic entrepreneurs of Germany 
were to fulfill 'just* social demands may be seen from the 
history of the miners ' unions, where there was for a long time 
no question of 'Marxism. 1 But though the underfed and ex- 
ploited workers were led by their clergy, and though they 
4 reverenced ' the ' human personality,' their fight for recognition 
met with a rebuff from Emperor and industry alike. 

Jewish intellectuals, rebuffed by the Stoecker movement 
which during the iSSos blended anti-Semitism with social 
reform on a conservative basis, turned quite generally to 
democratic ideas. In addition the Social Democratic Party, 
seldom getting recruits from 'Aryan 1 academic life, offered 
some opportunity to Jews. Their influence was, however, 
limited. In 1914 the Executive Committee of the Party had 
one Jewish member. In the trade unions organized under the 
Marxist banner, Jewish influence was virtually non-existent. 
But several Jews were Reichstag deputies, or were employed 
on Party journals. 


so-called 'intelligentsia' by Freemasonry, is transmitted to 
the great masses, but above all to the bourgeoisie, by the 
activity of the great press, which today is always Jewish. 
To these two weapons of deterioration now comes as the 
third, and by far the most terrible, the or 
brutal force. Marxism, as the column of at 
should finish what the work of attrition of 
ripe in preparation of the collapse. 

Therewith a truly masterful 
that one really must not be surprised if 
just those institutions fail completely rrl 
much to present themselves as the bearers 
legendary State authority. At all times the 
a few exceptions) has found the most 
his work of destruction in our high and highest or 
of the State. Cringing submissiveness towards ' above ' and 
arrogant superciliousness towards 'below' mark this class 
as much as a narrow-mindedness that often cries to Heaven, 
which in turn is surpassed only by a sometimes truly aston- 
ishing presumption. 

These, however, are the qualities which the Jew wants 
of our authorities and which he correspondingly loves. 

The practical fight, sketched in broad outlines, which 
now sets in takes the following course : -4- 

Corresponding to the final aims of the Jewish fight which 
limit themselves not only to the economic conquest of the 
world, but which also demand the political subjection of 
the latter, the Jew also divides the organization of his 
Marxist world doctrine into two parts, which, apparently 
separated from each other, nevertheless in truth form one 
inseparable whole, the political and the trade-union move- 

The union movement is that which is solicitous. To the 
worker in his difficult struggle for existence which he has 
to fight thanks to the greed or the short-sightedness of many 


employers, it offers help and protection, and with it the 
possibility of fighting for better living conditions. If the 
worker does not want to give up the representation of his 
human living rights to the mercy of people who are little 
conscious of responsibility and who are often also heartless, 
in times when the organized national community, that is, 
the State, cares next to nothing about him, then he has to 
take the defense of these rights into his own hands. In the 
same measure in which the so-called national bourgeoisie, 
blinded by financial interests, puts the severest obstacles 
into the way of this struggle for life, and not only resists all 
attempts at shortening the inhumanly long working hours, 
at abolishing child labor, safeguarding and protecting the 
woman, raising of the sanitary conditions in workshops and 
homes, but frequently actually sabotages them, the cleverer 
Jew takes charge of the thus oppressed people. He gradu- 
ally becomes the leader of the unionist movement and this 
the more easily as he is not concerned, in honest conviction, 
about an actual abolition of social evils, but rather about 
the formation of an economic fighting troop, blindly de- 
voted to him, for the destruction of the national economic 
independence. For, while the leaders of a sound social pol- 
icy will permanently movte between the directions of the 
preservation of national health on the one hand and the 
safeguarding of an independent national economy on the 
other, for the Jew these two viewpoints are not only dis- 
missed from his fight, but their abolition is, among others, 
the goal of his life. He does not wish the preservation of an 
independent national economy, but its destruction. Conse- 
quently, no pangs of conscience can prevent him, the leader 
of the unionist movement, from making demands which 
not only exceed the goal, but the fulfillment of which is 
either practically impossible or means the ruin of a national 
economy. But, further, he does not want to see before him 
a healthy, sturdy generation, but a decayed herd, able to 


be subjected. This wish, however, again permits him to 
make demands of the most senseless kind, though to his 
own knowledge their practical fulfillment is impossible, and 
which therefore could not at all lead to a change of condi- 
tions, but at the utmost to a devastating stirring-up of the 
masses. This, then, is his concern, and not the genuine and 
honest improvement of its social condition. 

For this reason, however, Jewry's leadership of unionist 
affairs is uncontested until an enormous work of enlighten- 
ment supports the great masses and sets them right about 
their never ending misery, or until the State deals with the 
Jew and his work. For so long as the insight of the masses 
remains as limited as it is now, and the State remains as 
indifferent as it is now, the masses will always follow mostly 
him who first offers the most impudent promises in regard 
to economic affairs. But in this the Jew is master. For his 
entire activity is unrestricted by moral objections ! 

After a short time he thus necessarily expels all competi- 
tors from this field. According to his entire inner rapacious 
brutality, he first of all adapts the unionist movement to the 
most brutal application of force. The resistance and realiza- 
tion of those whose insight resists the Jewish allure is 
broken by terror. The successes of such activity are 

With the help of the union, which could be a blessing to 
the nation, the Jew actually wrecks the foundations of the 
national economy. 

Parallel with this the political organization advances. 

It plays hand in glove with the unionist movement in so 
far as the latter prepares the masses for the political organ- 
ization, and even drives them into it by the whip of force 
and compulsion. It is further the permanent financial 
source from which the political organization feeds its enor- 
mous apparatus. It is the controlling organ for the political 
activity of the individual, and in all great demonstrations 


of a political nature, it does the touting service. At last, 
however, it no longer represents economic concerns at all, 
but, in the form of the mass and general strike, it puts its 
main fighting means, the laying-down of work, at the dis- 
posal of the political idea. 

By the creation of a press, the contents of which is 
adapted to the mental horizon of people with the lowest 
education, the political and unionist movement finally is 
given an institution which, by its stirring effects, makes the 
lowest classes of the nation ripe for the most reckless acts. 
Its task is not to lead the people from the swamp of base 
mentality to a higher level, but rather to meet their lowest 
instincts. A business that is as speculative as it is remuner- 
ative with the masses, which are as inert as they are some- 
times also presumptuous. 

But it is the press above all which now, in a truly fanatic 
fight of calumny, derides everything which could be looked 
upon as the support of national independence, cultural 
height, and economic self-dependence of the nation. 

It continuously drums upon all those characters which do 
not want to bow to the Jewish assumption of rule, or whose 
ingenious ability in itself appears a danger to the Jew. For 
in order to be hated by the Jew, it is not necessary to fight 
him, but it is enough that he suspects the other may either 
be able to arrive some time at such thoughts or, based on 
his superior genius, to strengthen the force and the height 
of a nationality, hostile to the Jew. 

His unfailing instinct for such things senses in each indi- 
vidual the original soul, and his hostility is assured to him 
who is not the spirit of his spirit. As the Jew is not the one 
who is attacked, but the attacker, consequently his enemy 
is not only he who attacks, but also he who resists him. The 
means, however, by which he tries to break such daring but 
upright souls is not called honest fight, but lie and calumny. 

Here he is not frightened by anything at all, and his base- 


ness becomes so gigantic that nobody need wonder that in 
our people the personification of the Devil, as the symbol of 
all evil, assumes the living appearance of the Jew. 

The ignorance of the great masses about the inner nature 
of the Jew, the lack of instinct and narrow-mindedness of 
our upper classes, make the people easily fall victim to this 
Jewish campaign of lies. 

While the upper classes, out of their inborn cowardice, 
turn from a man who is attacked by the Jew in such manner 
with lie and calumny, the great masses, out of stupidity or 
simplicity, usually believe everything. But the State 
authorities either wrap themselves in silence, or, as is 
mostly the case, they persecute him who is unjustly at- 
tacked, in order to make an end to the nuisance of the 
Jewish press, something which then, in the eyes of such an 
official idiot, appears as the preservation of State authority 
and as safeguarding peace and order, 
t Slowly the fear of the Marxist weapon of Jewry sinks 
into the brains and souls of decent people like a nightmare. 

One begins to tremble before the terrible enemy, and thus 
one has become his final victim. 

The Jew's rule in the State now appears secured to such 
an extent that he may not only again call himself Jew, but 
ruthlessly admits his final thoughts as regards nationality 
and politics. A part of his race even admits quite openly 
that it is a foreign people, however, not without again 
lying in this respect. For while Zionism tries to make the 
other part of the world believe that the national self- 
consciousness of the Jew finds satisfaction in the creation 
of a Palestinian State, the Jews again most slyly dupe the 
stupid goiim. [Jewish colloquial expression : Gentile men or 
women.] They have no thought of building up a Jewish 
State in Palestine, so that they might perhaps inhabit it, 
but they only want a central organization of their inter- 
national world cheating, endowed with prerogatives, with* 


drawn from the seizure of others: a refuge for convicted 
rascals and a high school for future rogues. 

But it is the sign, not only of their rising confidence, but 
also their feeling of safety, that now, at a time when one part 
of them still mendaciously plays the German, the French- 
man, or the Englishman, the other part impudently and 
openly documents itself as the Jewish race. 

How far they keep the approaching victory before their 
eyes is seen from the terrible manner which their inter- 
course with the members of other peoples assumes. 

For hours the black-haired Jew boy, diabolic joy in his 
face, waits in ambush for the unsuspecting girl whom he 
defiles with his blood and thus robs her from her people. 
With the aid of all means he tries to ruin the racial founda- 
tions of the people to be enslaved. Exactly as he himself 
systematically demoralizes women and girls, he is not 
scared from pulling down the barriers of blood and race for 
others on a large scale. It was and is the Jews who bring 
the negro to the Rhine, always with the same concealed 

During the War, French colonial troops were engaged at the 
front. Afterward some contingents of these formed part of 
the French Army of Occupation. Estimates of the 'morality* 
of this procedure naturally vary. The Germans, especially 
those who had been brought up on the 'war of races' doctrine, 
looked upon Senegambians encamped along the Rhine as the 
worst of all possible profanations. The normal French attitude 
was that if these troops were good enough to live under the 
French flag, they were also good enough to live in Germany. 
Yet there is no doubt that the use of colored troops caused 
the French considerable unnecessary loss of good will. The 
Jews, argues Hitler, were responsible, because the French 
nation (a satrap of England) is the tool of international Jewish 
bankers. In the background are exaggerated conceptions of the 
influence of the Grand Orient. No protest came from Germany 
over the use of Moorish troops by Insurgent Spain. 


thought and the clear goal of destroying, by the bastardiza- 
tion which would necessarily set in, the white race which 
they hate, to throw it down from its cultural and political 
height and in turn to rise personally to the position of 

For a racially pure people, conscious of its blood, can 
never be enslaved by the Jew. It will forever only be the 
master of bastards in this world. 

Thus he systematically tries to lower the racial level by 
a permanent poisoning of the individual. 

In the political sphere, however, he begins to replace the 
idea of democracy by that of the dictatorship of the 

In the organized mass of Marxism he has found the 
weapon which makes him now dispense with democracy and 
which allows him, instead, to enslave and to 'rule' the 
people dictatorially with the brutal fist. 

He now works methodically towards the revolution in a 
twofold direction: economically and politically. 

Thanks to his international influence, he ensnares with a 
net of enemies those peoples which put up a too violent 
resistance against the enemy from within, he drives them 
into war, and finally, if necessary, he plants the flag of 
revolution on the battlefield. 

In the field of economics he undermines the States until 
the social organizations which have become unprofitable 
are taken from the State and submitted to his financial 

Politically he denies to the State all means of self- 
preservation, he destroys the bases of any national self- 
dependence and defense, he destroys the confidence in the 
leaders, he derides history and the past, and he pulls down 
into the gutter everything which is truly great. 

In the domain of culture he infects art, literature, the- 
ater, smites natural feeling, overthrows all conceptions of 


beauty and sublimity, of nobility and quality, and in turn 
he pulls the people down into the confines of his own 
swinish nature. 

Religion is ridiculed, customs and morality are presented 
as outlived, until the last supports of a nationality in the 
fight for human existence in this world have fallen. 

(e) [sic] Now begins the great, final revolution. The Jew, 
by gaining the political power, casts off the few cloaks 
which he still wears. The democratic national Jew becomes 
the blood Jew and the people's tyrant. In the course of a 
few years he tries to eradicate the national supporters of 
intelligence, and, while he thus deprives the people of their 
natural spiritual leaders, he makes them ripe for the slave's 
destiny of permanent subjugation. 

The most terrible example of this kind is offered by Rus- 
sia where he killed or starved about thirty million people 

That Bolshevism was a creation of Jewry has long been a 
favorite anti-Semitic assertion. In 1920 Hitler met Dietrich 
Eckart, a journalist of ability who for some years edited the 
Vdlkischer Bcobachtcr. Mein Kampf closes with his name, and 
some of it reflects his style. It may be that Eckart suggested 
writing the book. His statue, festooned with wreaths, is the 
ptice de resistance of the Brown House, Munich. Eckart was 
the author of a pamphlet, Der Bolschewismus von Moses bis 
Lenin (Bolshevism from Moses to Lenin). It was believed at 
the time that Lenin was a Jew. 

The Russian Revolution had its roots in bad government. 
Jews suffered from this at least as much as did other groups, 
but in addition they had to contend with fanatical anti-Semitic 
organizations for which the Czar was not radical enough. That 
does not explain, however, why the Kerensky Revolution was 
undermined by Bolshevists, and the door is left open to specula- 
tion. Lenin was transported from Switzerland to Russia in 
1917 in a sealed railway coach by order of General Ludendorff. 
The hope was that he would be able to wean the Russian army 


with a truly diabolic ferocity, under inhuman tortures, in 
order to secure to a crowd of Jewish scribblers and stock 
exchange robbers the rulership over a great people. 

But the end is not only the end of the freedom of the 
peoples oppressed by the Jew, but also the end of these 
peoples' parasites themselves. With the death of the victim 
this peoples' vampire will also die sooner or later. < 

If we let all the causes of the German collapse pass before 
our eyes, there remains as the ultimate and decisive cause 
the non-recognition of the race problem and especially of 
the Jewish danger. 

The defeats in the battlefield of August, 1918, would 
have been easily bearable. They were out of proportion to 
the victories of our people. Not the defeats have over- 
thrown us, but we were overthrown by that power which 
prepared these defeats by robbing our people systemati- 
cally, for many decades, of its political and moral instincts 

from thoughts of continuing the War, and thus make possible 
a separate peace with Germany. It is usually held that the 
original idea came from Dr. Helphand, an adventurer with a 
flair of genius and a gift for intrigue. Lenin, aided by Trotski, 
gained control of Russia, and the separate peace which al- 
most cost Lenin his prestige was negotiated at Brest- 
Litovsk. That (if one excepts Trotski) Jews had an unduly 
important part in these developments is disproved by two 
facts: that only a small percentage of either the Communist 
Party leadership or its following was Jewish ; and by the reac- 
tion of leading Jewish Socialists not favorable to the Bolshevist 
minority. There is little evidence to support any current as- 
sumptions that international Jewish aid was given to Lenin. 
In America, England, and France, Jewish groups naturally 
favored Kerensky. 


and forces which alone enable and entitle peoples to exist 
in this world. 

The old Reich, by inattentively passing by the question 
of the preservation of the racial foundations of our nation- 
ality, disregarded also the sole right which alone gives life 
in this world. Peoples which bastardize themselves, or 
permit themselves to be bastardized, sin against the will of 
eternal Providence, and their ruin by the hand of a stronger 
nation is consequently not an injustice that is done to them, 
but only the restoration of right. If a people no longer 
wants to respect the qualities which Nature has given it 
and which root in its blood, then it has no longer the right 
to complain about the loss of its worldly existence. 

Everything in this world can be improved. Any defeat 
can become the father of a later victory. Any lost war can 
become the cause of a later rise, every distress the fertiliza- 
tion of human energy, and from every suppression can come 
the forces of a new spiritual rebirth, as long as the blood 
remains preserved in purity. 

Alone the loss of the purity of the blood destroys the 
inner happiness forever; it eternally lowers man, and never 
again can its consequences be removed from body and mind. 
Only upon examining and comparing, in the face of this 
sole question, all the other problems of life, one will be able 
to judge how ridiculously small the latter are as compared 
with the former. How all of them are only temporal, while 
the question of the preservation of the blood is one of human 

All really important symptoms of decay of the pre-War 
time ultimately go back to racial causes. 

No matter whether questions of general law or excres- 
cences of economic life, whether cultural symptoms of de- 
cline or political processes of degeneration, whether ques- 
tions of faulty education at school or evil influence on the 
grown-ups by the press, etc., are involved, always and 


everywhere it is fundamentally the non-recognition of 
racial considerations of one's own people or the non-recog- 
nition of a foreign, a racial, danger. 

Therefore, all attempts at reforms, all works of social aid 
and political efforts, all economic rise, and every apparent 
increase of spiritual knowledge were nevertheless unimpor- 
tant in their consecutive symptoms. The nation and that 
organism which enables and preserves its life on this earth, 
that is, the State, did not become internally healthier, but 
they visibly languished more and more. All the sham pro- 
sperity of the old Reich could not conceal the inner weak- 
ness, and any attempt at an actual strengthening of the 
Reich failed again and again on account of passing by the 
most important question. 

It would be wrong to believe that the adherents of the 
various political doctrines which doctored about the Ger- 
man national body, nay, that even the leaders, to a certain 
extent, were bad or malevolent men. Their activity was 
condemned to unproductiveness for the sole reason that, in 
the most favorable case at best, they saw and tried to fight 
the symptomatic forms of our general sickness, but passed 
blindly by the germ. He who systematically follows the 
political development of the old Reich is bound to arrive, 
upon quiet examination, at the realization that even at the 
time of unity, and thus of rise of the German nation, the 
inner decay was already on its way, and that, despite all 
apparent political successes and rising economic wealth, the 
general situation became worse from year to year. Even 
the elections for the Reichstag, with their outward swelling 
of the Marxist votes, announced the more and more rapidly 
approaching internal, and, with it, external, collapse. All 
the successes of the so-called bourgeois parties were of no 
value, not only because they were unable to check the 
increasing numbers of the Marxist flood even with so-called 
bourgeois electoral victories, but because above all even 


they themselves harbored the ferment of deterioration. 
The bourgeois world itself, without its knowing it, was 
infected with the cadaveric poison of Marxist ideas, and its 
resistance originated frequently rather from the competi- 
tive envy of ambitious leaders than from a rejection in prin- 
ciple of the adversaries, determined to fight to the extreme* 
There was only one who, during these long years, fought 
with imperturbable regularity, and this was the Jew. His 
star of David then rose higher and higher in the same 
measure in which our people's will for self-preservation 

Therefore, in August, 1914, it was not a people, deter- 
mined to attack, which rushed to the battlefield, but what 
took place was only the last flaring-up of the national 
instinct of self-preservation in face of the progressing paci- 
fist Marxist paralyzation of our national body. As even in 
those fateful days one did not recognize the internal enemy, 
all outward resistance was in vain, and Providence gave the 
reward, not to the victorious sword, but it followed the law 
of eternal revenge. 

Out of this inner realization there were to be formed lor 
us the leading principles, as well as the tendency of the new 
movement which alone, in our conviction, was enabled to 

For assertions like these, General Ludendorff is primarily 
responsible. Irritated by failure and by some rather tactless 
attempts to taunt him for that failure, he took refuge in anti- 
Semitic utterances, and lent his great name to reckless calum- 
nies. Had either he or von Hindenburg remembeied the Jewish 
dead of their armies and stopped the tirades with one dear 
word of disapproval, the whole anti-Semitic campaign would 
have collapsed. It may be that this was too much to expect of 
men smarting under humiliation and defeat. In addition 
Ludendorff retreated into the shadows of a mystical German 
faith that lent fervor and significance to his attacks. 


bring the decline of the German people not only to a stand- 
still, but also to create the granite foundation upon which 
one day there can exist a State which represents not a mech- 
anism of economic considerations and interests, alien to the 
people, but a f olkish organism : 

A Germanic State of the 
German Nation 






IF NOW at the end of this book I describe the first 
period of development of our movement and deal briefly 
with a series of questions caused by it, it is not done in 
order to give a treatise on the spiritual aims of the move- 
ment. The goal and the task of the new movement are so 
enormous that one can deal with them only in a volume of 
their own. Therefore, in a second volume I will deal in de- 
tail with the foundations (and their programs) of the move- 
ment and will try to draw a picture of what we conceive by 
the word 'State. 1 With 'we* I mean all those hundreds of 
thousands who fundamentally long for the same thing with- 
out their finding the words in detail to describe the outward 
appearance of what is before their inner eye. For with all 
great reforms the remarkable thing is that at first they have 
as their champion perhaps only a single individual, but as 
their supporters many millions. For centuries their goal is 
often the inner ardent wish of hundreds of thousands, till 
one man stands up as the proclaimer of such a general will 


and as the flag-bearer of an old longing he helps it to victory 
in the form of a new idea. 

That millions harbor in their hearts the longing for a 
fundamental change in the existing circumstances is proved 
by the deep discontent from which they suffer. It is ex- 
pressed in thousandfold forms of symptoms, with some in 
despair and hopelessness, with others in aversion, in wrath 
and indignation, with the one in indifference and with the 
other in furious exuberance. Also those who are sick and 
tired of elections, as well as the many who tend towards the 
most fanatical extreme of the left, may be looked upon as 
witnesses to this inner discontent. 

It was the aim of the young movement to appeal first of 
all to these elements. It ought not to form an organization 
of those who are content and satisfied, but to bring together 
those who are tortured by suffering, those who are without 
peace and unhappy and discontented, and above all it must 
not swim on the surface of the national body, but has to 
root in its foundations. 

f Taken from the purely political point of view, the fol- 
lowing picture presented itself in 1918: a people is torn into 
two parts. The one, by far the smaller, comprises the layers 

The elections of May, 1924, which followed the most hectic 
period in the history of the short-lived Republic the Ruhr 
invasion, inflation, the Hitler putsch, revaluations of the cur- 
rency, and the parleys that led to the signing of the Dawes 
Plan was marked by a trend to the Left and Right extremes. 
The conservative German National Party became the second 
strongest group in the Reichstag, the number of Communist 
deputies rose to 62 (there had been only 2 in 1920), and the 
DciUsch-voelkischc Frcihcitspartei (German Folkish Freedom 
Party), founded by Right radical dissidents from the conservm- 


of national intelligence with exclusion of all those who are 
physically active. It is outwardly national, but by this 
word it is unable to imagine something different from a very 
lukewarm and weak representation of so-called State in- 
terests which in turn seem identical with dynastic interests. 
It tries to fight for its ideas and aims with spiritual weapons 
which are as fragmentary as they are superficial, but which 
in themselves fail completely in the face of the enemy's 
brutality. With one single terrible stroke this class, which 
just previously was still the ruling one, is thrown over, and 
now, in trembling cowardice, it bears every humiliation on 
the part of the ruthless victor. 

It is faced, in the form of the second class, by the great 
mass of the working population. This class is integrated 
in more or less radical Marxist movements, determined to 
break any spiritual resistance by the power of force. It 
does not want to be national, but it consciously rejects any 
promotion of national interests as, in turn, it promotes all 
suppression on the part of foreign powers. Measured by 
figures it is the stronger party, but it comprises above all 
those elements of the nation without which a national re- 
surrection is unthinkable and impossible. 

For as early as 1918 one had to see clearly about this. 

tive group, elected 32 men. Under the circumstances, it looked 
as if dissatisfaction with the policies sponsored by the Re- 
publican governments was growing rapidly, and that the ' Re- 
volution ' was in danger. In many respects this election resem- 
bles that of 1930. Yet six months later December, 1924 
another Reichstag election completely changed the picture. 
The Communists elected only 32 deputies, and the National 
Socialists 14. The number and percentage of citizens voting in- 
creased. Doubtless the principal causes of this reversal were 
two the manifest inability of the extremists to accomplish 
anything, and the beneficent effect to the capital that flowed 
into Germany under the Dawes Plan. 


Any resurrection of the German people can take place only 
by way of regaining external power. But the prerequisites 
for this are not arms as our bourgeois 'statesmen' always 
babble, but the forces of will power. At one time the Ger- 
man people had more than enough arms. They were not 
able to secure its freedom, because the energies of the na- 
tional instinct of self-preservation, the will for self-preserva- 
tion, was lacking. The best arms are dead and useless ma- 
terial as long as the spirit is missing which is ready, willing, 
and determined to use them. Germany became defenseless, 
not because there was a shortage of arms, but because the 
will was missing to guard the arms for the preservation of 
the nation. 

If today especially our politicians of the left try to point 
to the lack of arms as the necessary cause of their irresolute 
and yielding policy, which in reality is a policy of betrayal 
to foreign powers, then one must answer them only one 
thing: No, the contrary is right. You have surrendered the 
arms by your anti-national and criminal policy of giving 

Bitterness was so great that moderate defenders of the poli- 
cies adopted since 1918 resorted to the defense that an unarmed 
Germany had no choice save acquiescence in Allied decrees. 
Hence Hitler's rejoinder. 

An attack on the German National Party, which had gained 
so dominant a position in 1924. If this party really succeeded 
in retaining large groups of Nationalist voters, Hitler's move- 
ment was doomed to failure. Therefore he taunted the con- 
servatives with their 'cowardice* in 1918 an epithet invented 
by Philipp Scheidemann, Socialist leader, after the War. The 
attack was politically shrewd. In this and subsequent passages, 
the especial situation of 1924-25 is hinted at. The German 
National leader up until October, 1924, was Oskar Hergt, an 
honest veteran civil servant, without the skill or callousnrsi 
needed to guide a party through such difficult times. 


up national interests. Now you are trying to present the 
shortage of arms as the fundamental cause of your misera- 
ble wretchedness. This is, as everything in your activity, 
lie and fraud. 

But this reproach applies just as much to the politicians 
of the right. For thanks to their miserable cowardice, the 
Jewish rabble who had come into power in 1918 was able 
to steal the arms from the nation. They, too, have there- 
fore no reason and no right to palm off the present lack of 
arms as the necessity for their clever caution (say 4 coward- 
ice'), but the defenselessness is just the consequence of their 
cowardice. -< 

Therefore, the question of regaining Germany's power is 
not, perhaps, How can we manufacture arms? but, How 
can we produce that spirit which enables a people to bear 
arms? Once this spirit dominates a people, the will finds a 
thousand ways, each of which ends with arms! But even 
if you put ten guns into the hands of a coward, yet he will 
be unable to fire one single shot in the event of an attack. 
They are therefore of less value to him than a knotty stick 
to a courageous man. 

Even for this reason the question of regaining the politi- 
cal power of our people is primarily a question of the 
recovery of our national instinct of self-preservation, since 
any preparatory foreign policy as well as every evaluation 
of a State in itself is directed, as experience shows, less 

Conservatives had inaugurated during this period a cam- 
paign for equality of armament. The argument which 
would become very familiar later on was that either the Al- 
lies must carry out their promise to disarm, or that Germany 
must be permitted to rearm. As such the plea was popular 
enough, at least potentially. Hitler and the Nazis generally 
retorted that arms would be worthless until the people had been 
inflamed with a desire to use them. 


at existing arms than at the deliberate and acknow- 
ledged, or at least the presumed, moral capacity of re- 
sistance of a nation. A people's ability to form alliances is 
far less determined by a dead lot of existing arms than by 
the visible presence of a flaming will of self-preservation 
and heroic death-defying courage. For an alliance is not 
concluded with arms, but with human beings. Therefore, 
the English people must be looked upon as the most valu- 
able ally in the world as long as its leaders and the spirit 
of its great masses permit us to expect that brutality and 
toughness which is determined to fight out, by all means, 
to the victorious end a struggle once started, without con- 
sidering time and sacrifices, in which case the actual mili- 
tary armament need not be in any proportion to that of 
other States. 

But if one understands that the resurrection of the Ger- 
man nation is a question of regaining our political will of 
self-preservation, it is also clear that this is not fulfilled by 
winning elements which are national at least according to 
their will, but only by the nationalization of the deliberately 
anti-national masses. 

A young movement that sets before itself the goal of the 
re-establishment of a German State with its own sovereignty 
will have to direct its fight completely at winning the broad 
masses. No matter how wretched in general our so-called 
'national bourgeoisie 9 is, how insufficient its national loyalty 
appears, it is just as certain that from this side a serious 
resistance to a powerful national internal and external 
policy is not to be expected. Even if, for notoriously nar- 
row-minded and short-sighted reasons, the German bour- 
geoisie were to remain in passive resistance, as once it faced 
Bismarck in the hour of a coming liberation, nevertheless, 
with its acknowledged and proverbial cowardice, an active 
resistance need never be feared. 

The situation is different with the masses of our fellow 


citizens who are internationally minded. In their primitive 
originality they are not only directed more towards the 
idea of force, but their Jewish leaders are more brutal and 
more ruthless. They will beat down any German rise just 
as once before they broke the German army's backbone. 
But above all, in this parliamentarily ruled State, by force 
of the superiority of their number, they will not only prevent 
any national foreign policy, but they will further exclude 
any higher evaluation of the German strength and with it 
any chance of potential alliances. For the weak momentum 
which lies in our fifteen million Marxists, Democrats, Paci- 
fists, and representatives of the Center is not only known to 
us, but is recognized even more by the foreign powers which 
measure the value of a possible alliance with us according 
to the weight of this burden. One does not form an alliance 
with a State in which the active part of the population has 
at least a passive attitude towards any resolute foreign 

To this is added the fact that the leaders of these parties 
of national betrayal, merely out of their instinct of self- 
preservation, must and will be hostile to any rise. From the 
historical point of view it is simply inconceivable that the 
German people could once more take its former position 
without settling accounts with those who were the cause 
and the occasion of the unheard-of collapse which afflicted 
our State. For before the tribunal of posterity November, 
1918, will not be evaluated as high treason, but as treason 
against the country. 

Thus the regaining of German independence in foreign 
affairs is primarily connected with the regaining of the 
domestic willful unity of our people. 

f But looked at from the purely technical point of view 
the thought of a German rise as regards foreign politics 
seems absurd as long as the great masses are not ready to 
enter into the service of this idea of freedom. Taken from 


the purely military viewpoint, with a little reflection it will 
become clear, above all to every officer, that one cannot war 
against foreign powers with the help of students' battalions, 
but that for this purpose one needs, apart from the brains 
of a people, also its fists. Thereby one has to keep in mind 
that a national defense, which is based only upon the circles 
of the so-called 'intelligentsia/ would only spoil the price- 
less goods of the nation. The young German intelligentsia, 
which found its death with the voluntary regiments in the 
fields of Flanders in the fall of 1914, was sorely missing later 
on. They were the best property the nation possessed, and 
this loss could never be replaced in the course of the War. 
But it is not only impossible to carry through the fight it- 
self if the charging battalions do not have the masses of the 
workers among their ranks, but it is also impossible to carry 
out the technical preparation where the unifying will of the 
national body is missing. Just our people, which, under the 
thousand eyes of the Treaty of Versailles, has to live dis- 
armed, will be able to make technical arrangements for 

On November n, 1914, German regiments comprised of 
student volunteers stormed the French positions at Langhe- 
marcq (near Ypres) in Belgium, singing the DeutscUand song. 
The losses were fearful. This deed is looked upon as the most 
heroic in the German war record. 

The theory that the November Revolution was an act of 
high treason often led to highly emotional outbursts. Thus 
Dr. Wilhelm Frick declared in January, 1928: 'To the gallows 
with the criminals who have misgoverned us during the past 
ten years!' But oddly enough the Nazis also attacked the 
November Revolution on the ground that it was no genuine 
revolution. Speaking in Munich during 1929, Goering said: 
'Our misfortune was that this "revolution" was no German 
revolution. Therefore we know the revolution is still coming, 
and that it must, bring the release of German energies.' 


regaining its freedom and human independence only if the 
host of professional informers is decimated to those whose 
inborn lack of character permits them to betray everything 
to everybody in return for the well-known thirty pieces of 
silver. One can manage these people. Unmanageable, how- 
ever, seem the millions of those who oppose the national 
rise out of political resistance, unless the cause of their ac- 
tivity, their international Marxist view of life, is fought and 
torn out of their hearts and brains. 

No matter, therefore, from which point of view one ex- 
amines the possibility of regaining the independence of our 
State and nation, whether from that of the preparation of 
foreign politics, that of technical armament, or from that 
of the struggle itself, there remains the preliminary winning 
over of the great masses of our people for the idea of our 
national independence as the presupposition for everything. 

But without regaining our external freedom, every idea 
of an inner reform itself remains, in the most favorable 
case, only the increase of our productivity as a colony. 
Every so-called economic uplift renders its surplus only to 
the commissions of international control, and every social 
improvement increases, in the most favorable case, only 
the capacity of working for them. Cultural achievements 
will no longer fall to the share of the German nation at all, 
they are too closely connected with the political independ- 
ence and dignity of a nationality. 

If, therefore, the German future's favorable solution is 
connected with the national winning of the great masses 
of our people, then this must also be the highest and the 
greatest task of a movement the activity of which is not to 
be exhausted in the satisfaction of the moment, but which 
has to examine every hour and every activity only as to 
their consequences for the future.** 


Thus we realized as early as 1919 that the new movement 
has to carry out, first, as its highest aim, the nationaliza- 
tion of the masses. 

As regards tactics, a series of demands resulted from this. 

(l) In order to win the masses for the national rise, no 
social sacrifice is too great. 

No matter how many economic concessions are offered 
to the classes of our workers and employees today, they are 
not in proportion to the gain for the entire nation whenever 
this helps to give back their nationality to the broad masses. 
Only short-sighted narrow-mindedness, as unfortunately is 
often found in the circles of our business men, can fail to 
acknowledge that in the long run there can be no economic 
rise for them also, and with this no economic profit, as long 
as the inner national solidarity of the nation is not restored. 

Hitler never went farther than this in criticizing the capital- 
ist system after his release from prison. Other members of the 
Party objected, and Otto Strasser openly charged him with 
having sabotaged the 'revolution. 1 (Adolph Hitler: Wilhelm 
III, by Weigand von Miltenberg.) During September, 1930, 
this difference between Hitler and the Strasser group was 
brought out into the open when three army officers were tried 
in Ulm for high treason, on the ground that they had attempted 
to build Nazi 'cells' within the Reichswehr. Hitler repudiated 
the revolutionary ideas of Strasser, but added that if the 
Nazis came to power they would court-martial the 'Novem- 
ber criminals.' The result was that Lieutenant Scheringer, one 
of the officers tried, switched to the Communist Party. The 
incident throws much light upon the strength of anti-capitalis- 
tic sentiment in Germany at the time. 

Scheringer and Strasser charged that Hitler had sold out for 
money. Therewith the question as to how the Nazi Party was 
financed had been raised, but no satisfactory answer nas ever 
been given. During its early years, funds were obtained from 
Munich friends, from the Reichswehr, and probably from White 


If the German unions had ruthlessly guarded the interest 
of the workers during the War, they would have extorted a 
thousand times, by strike, the demands of the workers from 
the then dividend-hungry employers, even during the War, 
but if, as regards the considerations of the national defense, 
they had acknowledged their German nationality just as 
fanatically, and with the same ruthlessness, they would 
have given to the fatherland what is due the fatherland, 
then the War would not have been lost. But how ridiculous 
all and even the greatest economic concessions would have 
been as compared with the enormous importance of the 
War one would have won. 

Thus a movement which intends to give the German 
worker back to the German people has to be clear about the 
fact that economic sacrifices play no r61e whatsoever in this 
question, unless the preservation and the independence of 
the national economy are threatened by this. 

(2) The national education of the great masses can only 
take place through the d6tour of a social uplift, since ex- 
clusively by this all those general economic presuppositions 
are created which permit the individual to take part in the 
cultural goods of the nation. 

Russians who had access to foreign money. Whence came the 
stream of gold that poured through White Russian fingers is, 
indeed, one of the unsolved mysteries of post-War history. 
Certain organizers, e.g. Kurt Luedecke (cf. I Knew Hitler), have 
supplied further hints as to the sources whence support came. 
In later years abundant aid came from German industry and 
landed interests. Then the approved formula for contributions 
was a so-called 'loan* for which a 'receipt' was issued. The 
actual Mender' remained unknown, the money passing through 
the hands of some real or imaginary 'association.' How much 
Italian cash was furnished is not known. Evidence was intro- 
duced by the district attorney's office in Munich to show that 
Mussolini had helped to finance the putsch of 1923. 


(3) The nationalization of the great masses can never 
take place by way of half measures, by a weak emphasis 
upon a so-called objective viewpoint, but by a ruthless and 
fanatically one-sided orientation as to the goal to be aimed 
at. That means, therefore, one cannot make a people 'na- 
tional* in the meaning of our present 'bourgeoisie,' that is, 
with so and so many restrictions, but only nationalistic 
with the entire vehemence which is harbored in the extreme. 
Poison is only checked by antidote, and only the insipidity 
of a bourgeois mind can conceive the middle line as the way 
to heaven. 

The great mass of a people consists neither of professors 
nor of diplomats. The small abstract knowledge it possesses 
directs its sentiments rather to the world of feeling. In 
this is rooted either its negative or positive attitude. It is 
open only to the expression of force in one of these direc- 
tions, and never to a half measure swaying between them. 

This hysteria was an important discovery. It was created by 
a kind of hypnotic influence seemingly exerted by the Party 
assemblies on people undoubtedly not wholly normal as a re- 
sult of the privations through which they had passed. Extraor- 
dinary phenomena of a similar kind were numerous during 
the post- War years e.g., the curious 'healer* of Hamburg, 
Hauser, who was followed by immense crowds; the Bibelfor- 
scher (Bible Students), who raised tides of adventistic emotion 
in Silesia and elsewhere; Rudolph Steiner, the anthropologist, 
who built houses resembling trees; etc. Those who heard 
Hitler during those years are unanimous in saying that he en- 
gendered a kind of emotional trance with methods quite his 
own. Party guards moved continuously round the place of as- 
sembly, and usually some interloper was found who could be 
dramatically shaken and bounced. Then there was a pause. 
Had anything gone wrong? Then Hitler appeared, looking 
as if he had run the final two hundred yards in record time, to 
unleash a torrent of words, working himself into a frenzy of 


Their sentimental attitude, however, is caused by their ex- 
ceeding stability. It is more difficult to undermine faith 
than knowledge, love succumbs to change less than to re- 
spect, hatred is more durable than aversion, and at all 
times the driving force of the most important changes in 
this world has been found less in a scientific knowledge 
animating the masses, but rather in a fanaticism dominating 
them and in a hysteria which drove them forward. 

He who would win the great masses must know the key 
which opens the door to their hearts. Its name is not ob- 
jectivity, that is, weakness, but will power and strength. 

(4) One can only succeed in winning the soul of a people 
if, apart from a positive fighting of one's own for one's own 
aims, one also destroys at the same time the supporter of 
the contrary. 

In the ruthless attack upon an adversary the people sees 

half-somnambulistic energy that lasted for hours, and reveling 
in climaxes that were more like motifs in Wagnerian drama 
than like any kind of discourse. Perhaps he would suddenly 
break into a sort of weeping, pause, and shout ' Dcutschland, 
Dcutschland, Dcutschlandl' However the foreigner might react, 
even quite normal Germans were swept off their feet. Hitler's 
very entrance had effected an emotional release. Then his 
oratory wrung every listener dry provided that is, that he 
could bring himself to be en rapport with what was being said. 

In short, the psychology of the crowd that comes to see a 
prize-fight. The modern masses are not impressed with argu- 
ments directed against an opponent. They must see him actu- 
ally downed. And if they could then be cajoled further with 
bloodcurdling promises, all was well. The following quotation 
from the National- Sozialistischc Blatter was not intended to be 
meticulous prophecy, but its effect was calculated: 'During 
this fight, heads will roll in the sand, and they will be either 
ours or the others. Let us see to it, then, that those heads 
belong to the others! 9 


at all times a proof of its own right, and it perceives the re* 
nunciation of his destruction as an uncertainty as regards 
its own right, if not as a sign of its own wrong. 

The great masses are only a part of nature, and this 
feeling does not understand the mutual handshake of peo- 
ple who assert that they want various things. What they 
want is the victory of the stronger and the annihilation or 
the unconditional surrender of the weaker, 
t The nationalization of our masses will only be successful 
if, along with all positive fighting for the soul of our people, 
its international poisoners are extirpated. 

(5) All great questions of the times are questions of the 
moment, and they represent only consequences of certain 
causes. Only one of them is of causal importance, that is, 
the question of the racial preservation of the nationality. 
In the blood alone there rests the strength as well as the 
weakness of man. As long as the people do not recognize 
and pay attention to the importance of their racial founda- 
tion, they resemble people who would like to teach the grey- 
hound's qualities to poodles, without realizing that the 
greyhound's speed and the poodle's docility are qualities 
which are not taught, but are peculiar to the race. Peoples 
who renounce the preservation of their racial purity re- 
nounce also the unity of their soul in all its expressions. 
The torn condition of their nature is the natural, necessary 
consequence of the torn condition of their blood, and the 
change in their spiritual and creative force is only the effect 
of the change in their racial foundations. 

He who wants to redeem the German people from the 
qualities and the vices which are alien to its original nature 
will have to redeem it first from the alien originators of these 

Without the clearest recognition of the race problem and, 
with it, of the Jewish question, there will be no rise of the 
German nation. 


The race question not only furnishes the key to world 
history, but also to human culture as a whole. 

(6) Making the great mass of our people, which today 
stand in the international camp, a member of a national 
people's community does not mean to renounce the repre- 
sentation of justified class interests. Class and professional 
interests are not identical with class dissension, but they 
represent a natural consequence of our economic life. The 
division into professional groups is in no way opposed to a 
genuine people's community, as the latter expresses itself 
just in the nationality's unity in all those questions which 
concern this very nationality. 

Making a professional group which has become a class 
a member of the people's community, or even of the State, 
is not carried out by the descending of the higher classes, 

Cf. Rosenberg, Westn Ziele und Grundsdtze der N.S.D.A.P. 
(The Nature, Objectives, and Principles of the N.S.G.W.P.): 
'The idea of the genuine folk-State was born out of the concept 
of race. This idea is today the final criterion of our judgment 
of all we do on earth.' It is sometimes thought that after 1933 
the Nazis had been willing to mitigate their attack upon the 
Jews, and that agitation by Jews outside Germany e.g., the 
boycott was responsible for resumption of the attack. Un- 
doubtedly the Party was impressed, especially by the Foreign 
Office, with the need for care in handling the Jewish problem 
because relations with other States might be impaired. Ros